THE LIFE OF MARY JEMISON
THE AMERICAN
SCENIC & HISTORIC PRESERVATION SOCIETY
THE TRIBUNE BUILDING, NEW YORK, N. Y.
A National Society of men and women for the protection
of natural scenery, the preservation of historic landmarks, the
improvement of cities, etc., throughout the United States.
Co-operates with cognate institutions abroad. Incorporated
in 1895 by special act of New York Legislature. Holds property
in fee and in trust. Custodian of six New York State reserva-
tions, including Letchworth Park in which Mary Jemison is
buried. Has caused the creation of many other public parks
and the erection of many monuments. Its members have
given over $3,500,000 for such purposes. List of officers, 1918:
Late Honorary President
J. PIERPONT MORGAN, LL.D., deceased
Honorary President
MRS. EDWARD H. HARRIMAN
President
GEORGE FREDERICK KUNZ, PH.D., Sc.D.
Vice Presidents
COL. HENRY W. SACKETT REGINALD PELHAM BOLTON
HON. HERBERT L. BRIDGMAN HON. GEORGE W. PERKINS
Treasurer Secretary
HON. N. TAYLOR PHILLIPS EDWARD HAGAMAN HALL, L.H.D.
Trustees
EDWARD D. ADAMS, LL.D. OGDEN P. LETCHWORTH
PROF. LIBERTY H. BAILEY EMERSON McMiLLiN
HENRY HARPER BENEDICT HON. THOMAS W. MEACHEM
REGINALD PELHAM BOLTON HON. ADELBERT MOOT
HON. HERBERT L. BRIDGMAN EDWARD L. PARTRIDGE, M.D.
HENRY K. BUSH-BROWN HON. GORDON H. PECK
D. BRYSON DELAVAN, M.D. HON. GEORGE W. PERKINS
CHARLES M. Dow, LL.D. HON. N. TAYLOR PHILLIPS
FREDERICK A. EMERICK HON. THOMAS R. PROCTOR
ALGERNON S. FRISSELL COL. HENRY W. SACKETT
HENRY E. GREGORY HON. CHARLES A. SPOFFORD
FRANCIS WHITING HALSEY HON. STEPHEN H. THAYER
WOLCOTT J. HUMPHREY HON. CALVIN TOMKINS
HON. THOMAS P. KINGSFORD HON. ROBERT H. TREMAN
GEORGEF. KUNZ, PH.D., Sc.D. ALBERT ULMANN
FREDERICK S. LAMB CHARLES D. VAIL, L.H.D.
HON. THOMAS H. LEE COL. JOHN W. VROOMAN
ALEXANDER M. WELCH
Letchworth Park post-office address: Castile, N. Y.
BRONZE STATUE OF MARY JEMISON
At Letchworth Park, New York.
J ivNarrative of ,
THE LIFE OF
MARY JEMISON
The White Woman of the Genesee
by
JAMES EVERETT SEAVER, M.D.
Revised by
CHARLES DELAMATER VAIL, L.H.D.
Emeritus Professor of English Literature
at Hobart College
TWENTIETH EDITION
Presenting the First Edition literally restored,
Together with chapters added to later editions by Ebenezer M
Lewis Henry Morgan, LL.D., William Clement Bryant
and William Pryor Letchworth, LL.D.
Enlarged with historical and archaeo-
logical memoranda and critical
notes by modern authorities
55635
New York
The American Scenic & Historic Preservation Society
1918
t, 1918, by
THE AMERICAN SCENIC AND HISTORIC
PRESERVATION SOCIETY, NEW YORK, N. Y.
Printed by Harper & Brothers, in the United States of America
Published August 15, 1918
To the Memory of
WILLIAM PRYOR LETCHWORTH, LL.D.,
who gave sanctuary in what is now
Letchworth Park
to the dust of the remarkable woman
whose life forms the subject of these pages,
the labors bestowed upon this edition
are dedicated by
THE REVISER
Published by the Fund
given by
HELEN HALL VAIL
in loving remembrance of
a long and beautiful friendship with
the Letchworth Family
FOREWORD
THE Life of Mary Jemison, the White Woman of
the Genesee, is, in all its details, a wondrous story
of one of the most remarkable captivities suffered
at the hands of the Indians by the early settlers of
this country. Told by herself with extraordinary
clearness of memory at the age of 80 years to James
Everett Seaver, M. D.,1 it was first published at
Canandaigua, N. Y., in 1824; and now, ninety-four
years later, after no less than nineteen editions in this
country and England, the popularity of the work is so
persistent that this Twentieth Edition has become
necessary.
For details of the bibliography of this classic in the
Indian history of Western New York, the reader is
referred to the chapter on that subject on pages 274-
293 following; but for a proper comprehension of the
story as a whole a few general observations may here
be made.
In the course of the preceding nineteen editions,
the book has received the impress notably of four
men, each in turn as editor, namely, James Everett
Seaver, M.D., Ebenezer Mix, Lewis Henry Mor-
gan, LL.D., and William Pryor Letchworth, LL.D.
Dr. Seaver, in his original narrative, brings out with
vividness the personality of the White Woman. Her
story is full of pathos and tragedy, and still thrills the
reader going over its pages for the first time; but
h FOREWORD
above the pathos and tragedy, the thoughtful person
cannot fail to be impressed with the uniformity of
elevated character of Mary Jemison herself. She en-
dured hardship and suffering with astounding forti-
tude. Amidst the hardening surroundings of bar-
baric life, she preserved the sensibilities of a white
woman. Her natural tender emotions were never ex-
tinguished; the atrocities of the uncivilized people
among whom it was her destiny to live always shocked
her. She cherished a lively sympathy for the suf-
ferings of others, and never failed to minister to the
needy and unfortunate according to her resources;
and a new name, "The Friend of the Distressed/*
was given to her by common consent. Mary Jemison
never failed to stand up for those whom she felt she
should befriend, and apparently was absolutely devoid
of fear of criticism of whatever she did, living, as
she believed, by the rule of conscience. Although she
dwelt in the midst of a savage people who had social
customs and practices alien to her own, yet by the
force of her personality she commanded the respect
of her brethren-by-adoption and maintained the
standard of private character becoming her origin.
The memory of her mother's prayers and teachings,
recalled in her last days, as touchingly related by
Mrs. Asher Wright, reveals one of the influences
which, sub-consciously perhaps, lay back of these
manifestations of Mary Jemison's heroic character.
It is doubtful if any English work presents a passage
of greater dramatic elevation and pathos than is
shown when Mary Jemison recovers her memory of the
prayer taught her in her childhood by her mother and
so many years mourned by her in the night watches
as lost.
FOREWORD i
When, in 1842, William Seaver & Son, brother and
nephew of James Everett Seaver, the author, repub-
lished the work in Batavia, N. Y., they brought
Ebenezer Mix 2 to their aid in the revision. Mr.
Mix's special impress on the book is geographical.
Mr. Mix was one of the most familiar figures in the
early affairs of the Genesee Valley and the Holland
Purchase Company. It was a current saying in the
Genesee country that Mr. Mix knew more about the
lands and holdings of each pioneer than the pioneer
himself knew, and that his word about any given
transaction could be accepted practically without
dispute. Thus it happened that when William
Seaver & Son engaged Mr. Mix's service, and, avail-
ing themselves of the privilege of family relationship
to the deceased author, consented to various altera-
tions,— or, as it was the fashion then to say, "im-
provements,"— in the text, the alterations tended to
give very marked prominence to the history and
geography of the Genesee country.
Lewis Henry Morgan,3 the learned author of "The
League of the Iroquois," who was brought into
collaboration by D. M. Dewey in the publication of
the 1856 edition at Rochester, N. Y., imparted another
characteristic to the book. His training and view-
point were those of the student of Indian life, customs
and language, and the profusion of notes which
Dr. Morgan introduced and the chapter on Indian
place-names in the Iroquois country which he added,
concentrate attention on linguistic and philological
characteristics.
In 1877 William Pryor Letchworth 4 again touched
the keynote which Dr. Seaver had sounded at the
beginning. About the time when Dr. Letchworth
; FOREWORD
conspicuously manifested his interest in the subject
of these pages by causing Mary Jemison's remains to
be transferred from Buffalo to what is now Letchworth
Park, he acquired the publication rights in Mary
Jemison's Life. His long work as a philanthropist
made him keenly responsive to human suffering and
deeply appreciative of noble personal character;
and, as might have been expected, the valuable addi-
tions which appeared in the edition first published
by him in 1877 emphasize again the human charac-
teristics of Mary Jemison which were illustrated in
Dr. Seaver's original narrative. To this dominating
and continuing ideal, Dr. Letchworth gave a noble
summation in the bronze statue of the White Woman
of the Genesee which he erected over her grave in the
last year of his life.
In searching for the cause of the enduring vitality
and popularity of this book, the reader will find that
its appeal to his judgment is threefold — human, his-
torical and literary.
The first, however, is the real secret of the book.
The book lives primarily because of its portrayal of
the affecting life and wonderful character of Mary
Jemison. And it should be noted that the First
Edition, laying emphasis on her personality, estab-
lished for the book itself a claim to a place in our
English literature as having enriched its permanent
stock of great stories, of stories revealing some of the
finest traits possible in our human nature.
Of its historical value, it may be said that the book
portrays with the realism of personal narrative the
dramatic details of an important period in the
progress of civilization. When we read the history
of the Old World we have presented to us the larger
FOREWORD k
features of the great migrations of races and the
contact between the more and the less civilized; but
those epoch-marking events are so remote that the
details — the little things which would give the human
touch and make the scenes live with human life — are
lacking; the impressions which one receives from
them are impersonal; the scenes are dead, like fossils
in the rocks. In the coming together of the white
and red races in the New World, however, we have
reproduced under our own eyes, as it were, an event
as epoch-marking as any of the ancient migrations;
but, unlike the ancient histories, the Life of Mary
Jemison gives those intimately personal details
which impart to the history of her period a living
reality.
The book also has a value as indicating something
of the state of American literature in the early
part of the nineteenth century. The exceeding
scarcity of the First Edition, of which only sixteen
copies are known to be in existence, is itself significant
of the time at which it appeared. It is said that its
rarity has been brought about in Western New York
and the Genesee Valley, its natural home and market,
because of the vogue which the story achieved when
it was in its first bloom, and when the generation who
were to be its patrons and readers did not find the
book-stalls offering stories of Indian captivities which,
in charm and fascination, were in any sense rivals to
Mary Jemison's revelations of the life which she led
in the lands of the Ohio and the Genesee. As a con-
sequence, the readers of the period literally wore
out the copies of the little i6mo which were fre-
quently carried in the pocket, and more frequently
passed from hand to hand, so that only a few
/ FOREWORD
have survived the intensive use to which they were
put.
In addition to this evidence of the contemporary
place which the book occupied in American literature,
we find in the original edition evidence of an interest-
ing period in American linguistics. Dr. Seaver, in
his Preface, dwells on the care he has used in writing
the narrative, "as books of this kind are sought and
read with avidity, especially by children, and are
well calculated to ... improve them in the art of
reading." We may infer, therefore, both from this
statement and from Dr. Seaver's evident culture, that
when he transcribes into his own words such expres-
sions as "you was deaf to my cries," "when those
rebels had drove us from the fields of our fathers,"
"he ... run for his life," etc., his grammatical forms
were not the result of ignorance but were based on
actual if not persistent personal usage.5
This Twentieth Edition has been revised with a
view to giving the reader the benefits of all the
qualities of the First Edition together with the addi-
tions made to later editions and certain new matter
which has been the result of modern research.
Part I of the present edition, therefore, presents the
First Edition separated from all accretions and in
its original purity. The text is printed word for
word, line for line and page for page, including the
author's original notes, literally as in the First Edi-
tion, the only differences being, first, that a larger
size of type has been used, making the size of the
page correspondingly larger; and second, that
superior figures have been inserted referring to the
notes in Part III. In this process the grammatical
forms and the spelling of words which Mr. Mix
FOREWORD m
"improved" in the edition of 1842 have necessarily
been restored to the forms in which they appeared in
the First Edition.
In Part II have been placed the chapters and ap-
pendices, wonderfully interesting and dramatic, which
were added by others to Dr. Seaver's original nar-
rative, with an addition to Chapter IV by Dr. Edward
Hagaman Hall concerning the place of Mary Jemison's
capture; an addition by the Reviser to Chapter V
concerning the Mary Jemison statue; a new Chapter
VI by the late William H. Samson concerning Mary
Jemison's will; and a new Chapter IX by the Reviser
on the bibliography of this work. The foot-notes
appended to the chapters in Part II which have
appeared in former editions have been placed in
Part III, with due credit in each case. Superior
figures have been inserted in the text referring not
only to the notes which originally accompanied these
chapters, but also to new notes by the Reviser of the
present edition.
Part III, as already indicated, includes the notes
by the author of the chapters in Part II and also
notes by the Reviser which are the result of modern
research and are frequently based on documentary
evidence not available to early writers, including
memoranda contributed by valued correspondents
therein mentioned.
The First Edition contained no illustrations. For
the present edition a few selections have been made
from various editions which followed the First, and
new illustrations have been added.
The Reviser acknowledges his indebtedness to the
Rt. Rev. Cameron Mann, D.D., Bishop of Southern
Florida; the Rev. William Martin Beauchamp, S.T.D.,
n FOREWORD
of Syracuse, N. Y., author of "Aboriginal Place
Names of New York," etc.; Mr. Arthur C. Parker of
Albany, N. Y., New York State Archaeologist;
Mr. Elmer Adler of Rochester, N. Y., biliophile
and collector of data concerning Mary Jemison; the
late William Holland Samson of Rochester, for many
years editor of the Rochester Post-Express; Mr.
Frank H. Severance of Buffalo, N. Y., Secretary of
the Buffalo Historical Society; Miss Caroline Bishop,
for many years Dr. Letchworth's Secretary and now
Librarian of Letchworth Park; Hon. Truman L.
Stone of Sonyea, N. Y., Superintendent of the Craig
Colony for Epileptics; Mr. Robert H. Kelby of New
York, Librarian of the New York Historical Society;
Rev. George P. Donehoo, D.D., of Coudersport,
Penn., Secretary of the Pennsylvania Historical
Commission; John Woolf Jordan, LL.D., of Phila-
delphia, Penn., Librarian of the Pennsylvania His-
torical Society; the Rev. W. K. Zieber, D.D., of
Hanover, Penn., author of papers published in the
Gettysburg Compiler; Mr. C. B. Galbraith of Colum-
bus, O., State Librarian of Ohio, and Miss Alice
Boardman, Assistant State Librarian; Mr. William
Smith of Ottawa, Keeper of Manuscripts in the
Department of Public Archives of the Dominion
of Canada; and others mentioned in Part III for
their helpful co-operation in the preparation of this
edition, and particularly to Edward Hagaman Hall,
L.H.D., of New York, Secretary of the American
Scenic and Historic Preservation Society, for his
invaluable assistance in editing these pages.
CHARLES DELAMATER VAIL.
Walnut Hilly Geneva, N. Y., July i, 1918.
CONTENTS
PAGE
OFFICERS OF THE AMERICAN SCENIC AND
HISTORIC PRESERVATION SOCIETY ... b
FOREWORD. BY CHARLES DELAMATER VAIL,
L.H.D g
DESCRIPTIVE LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ... q
PART I
LITERAL REPRODUCTION OF THE FIRST EDITION
OF "A NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF MARY
JEMISON." BY JAMES EVERETT SEAVER,
M.D i
PREFACE iii
INTRODUCTION vii
CHAPTERS I TO XVI INCLUSIVE 17
APPENDIX 145
CONTENTS 183
PART II
ADDITIONS TO THE NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE
OF MARY JEMISON BY OTHER
AUTHORS 191
I. THE NARRATIVE CONTINUED. BY EBE-
NEZER Mix 193
p CONTENTS
PAGE
II. MARY JEMISON'S INDIAN NAME, ETC.
BY WILLIAM CLEMENT BRYANT . . 198
III. LAST HOURS OF THE CAPTIVE. BY MRS.
ASHER WRIGHT 208
IV. MARY JEMISON'S PARENTAGE, PLACE OF
CAPTURE, ETC. BY WILLIAM PRYOR
LETCHWORTH, LL.D., AND EDWARD
HAGAMAN HALL, L.H.D 213
V. HER BURIAL, REINTERMENT AND MONU-
MENT. BY WILLIAM PRYOR LETCH-
WORTH, LL.D., AND CHARLES DELA-
MATER VAIL, L.H.D 228
VI. HER LAST WILL. BY WILLIAM HOLLAND
SAMSON 243
VII. GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES AND PLACES. BY
EBENEZER Mix 251
VIII. INDIAN GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES. BY
LEWIS HENRY MORGAN, LL.D. . 264
IX. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF "THE LIFE OF MARY
JEMISON." BY CHARLES DELA-
MATER VAIL, L.H.D 274
PART III
HISTORICAL, BIOGRAPHICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL
NOTES AND COMMENTS ON THE NARRATIVE
OF THE LIFE OF MARY JEMISON. BY
VARIOUS REVISERS AND CONTRIBUTORS, BUT
CHIEFLY BY CHARLES DELAMATER VAIL,
L.H.D 295
INDEX 437
ILLUSTRATIONS
(The illustrations marked with an asterisk * are printed with the
text. The others are separate plates inserted opposite the
pages indicated.)
PAGE
BRONZE STATUE OF MARY JEMISON AT LETCHWORTH PARK.
From photograph taken in 1911 Frontispiece
FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE-PAGE OF FIRST EDITION OF "THE
LIFE OF MARY JEMISON," 1824 i
FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE-PAGE OF THIRD EDITION OF "THE
LIFE OF MARY JEMISON," 1827 16
FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE-PAGE OF FIFTH EDITION OF "THE
LIFE OF MARY JEMISON," 1840, CONTAINING AN ILLUS-
TRATION OF A FIGHT BETWEEN A WHITE MAN AND Two
SAVAGES 32
MARSH CREEK HOLLOW AND VALLEY, PENN., NEAR SITE
OF MARY JEMISON'S FIRST HOME. From photograph
taken in June, 1918 48
MARSH CREEK, PENN., PASSING UNDER THE CHAMBERSBURG
PIKE. From photograph taken in June, 1918 ... 64
THE CAPTURE OF THE JEMISON FAMILY BY THE INDIANS,
APRIL 5, 1758. Fac-simile of engraving in the fifth
edition of "The Life of Mary Jemison," 1840. (Folded.) 80
SITE OF MARY JEMISON'S CAPTURE IN FRANKLIN TOWNSHIP,
ADAMS COUNTY, PENN. From photograph taken in
June, 1918 96
CONFLUENCE OF SHARP'S RUN AND CONEWAGO CREEK, NEAR
WHICH MARY JEMISON WAS CAPTURED. From photo-
graph taken in June, 1918 112
f ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
FAC-SIMILE OF THE FIRST ACCOUNT OF THE JEMISON TRAGEDY
IN "THE PENNSYLVANIA GAZETTE" OF APRIL 13, 1758.
From original copy owned by the Pennsylvania Historical
Society 128
MAP OF PART OF ADAMS COUNTY, PENN., SHOWING THE
PLACE WHERE MARY JEMISON WAS CAPTURED. From
drawing by Edward Hagaman Hall, L.H.D., made in
June, 1918 144
FAC-SIMILE OF MAP OF THE PROVINCE OF PENNSYLVANIA
BY W. SCULL (1770) UPON WHICH Is TRACED THE
ROUTE OF MARY JEMISON'S ABDUCTORS TO FORT PITT.
From original owned by Rev. George P. Donehoo, D.D.,
of Coudersport, Penn. (Folded.) 160
MARY JEMISON BEING ARRAYED IN THE COSTUME OF A
SENECA INDIAN MAIDEN. From water-color by Miss
Mildred Green, of Buffalo, N. Y 176
* AH-TA-QUA-O-WEH, OR MOCCASIN FOR FEMALE. After
figure in Morgan's "League of the Iroquois" . . . 192
* BARK CANOE. After figure in Morgan's "League of the
Iroquois" 197
PORTRAIT OF "HIOKATOO, MARY JEMISON'S SECOND HUSBAND,
AS HE APPEARED WHEN ATTIRED IN His WAR-DRESS."
Fac-simile of woodcut in fifth edition of "The Life of
Mary Jemison," 1840 208
* O-NO-NEA GOS-HA'-DA, OR CORN-HUSK SALT-BOTTLE. After
figure in Morgan's "League of the Iroquois" . . . 212
YOUNG SENECA WARRIOR IN NATIVE COSTUME. After figure
in Morgan's "League of the Iroquois" 224
* GA-WEH'-GA", OR SNOW-SHOE. After figure in Morgan's
"League of the Iroquois" 227
GA-ON-SEH, OR BABY FRAME, SIMILAR TO THAT IN WHICH
MARY JEMISON CARRIED HER BABE FROM THE OHIO
TO THE GENESEE. After figure in Morgan's "League
of the Iroquois" 232
ILLUSTRATIONS s
PAGE
INDIAN COUNCIL HOUSE WHICH MARY JEMISON PASSED AT
CANEADEA ON HER JOURNEY TO THE GENESEE. Now
AT LETCHWORTH PARK NEAR HER GRAVE. From
photograph taken in June, 1911 240
* SARCOPHAGUS ENCLOSING MARY JEMISON'S REMAINS AT
LETCHWORTH PARK. From 1877 edition of "The Life
of Mary Jemison" 242
* GA-GEH-TA, OR BELT. After figure in Morgan's "League of
the Iroquois" 250
MARY JEMISON'S FLATS ON THE GENESEE RIVER AT GARDEAU.
From photograph taken in July, 1918 256
* EAR-RING. After figure in Morgan's "League of the
Iroquois" 263
NORTHERN END OF MARY JEMISON'S FLATS ON THE GENESEE
RIVER AT GARDEAU, AS SEEN FROM ONE OF HER HILLS.
From photograph taken in July, 1918 272
HIGH BANK OF THE GENESEE RIVER AT GARDEAU, WHICH
GAVE THE INDIAN NAME "GA-DA-O," MEANING "BANK
IN FRONT," TO THE FLATS ON WHICH MARY JEMISON
LIVED. From photograph taken in July, 1918 . . 280
LOG CABIN OF MARY JEMISON'S DAUGHTER BETSEY AT
GARDEAU, 80 RODS NORTH OF SITE OF MARY JEMI-
SON'S HOME. From photograph taken in July, 1918 . 288
* GA-NO-SOTE, OR BARK HOUSE. After figure in Morgan's
"League of the Iroquois" 294
* O-SQUE-SONT, OR TOMAHAWK. After figure in Morgan's
" League of the Iroquois " 296
LOG CABIN OF MARY JEMISON'S DAUGHTER NANCY, FOR-
MERLY AT GARDEAU, Now AT LETCHWORTH PARK.
From photograph taken in May, 1914 304
PORTRAIT OF CORNPLANTER, SENECA INDIAN CHIEF, MEN-
TIONED BY MARY JEMISON IN HER NARRATIVE. From
water-color owned by Frank L. Reuss, of Albany, N. Y.
By James McKenna, from studies of various originals,
some of which were destroyed in the Capitol fire in 1911 312
/ ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
PORTRAIT OF RED JACKET, SENECA INDIAN CHIEF, WHO
OPPOSED MARY JEMISON'S CLAIM IN THE BIG TREE
COUNCIL. From original portrait owned by the Buffalo
Historical Society 320
PORTRAIT OF JAMES EVERETT SEAVER, M.D., WHO WROTE
"THE LIFE OF MARY JEMISON" IN 1823-24. From an
engraving in the 1856 edition 336
PORTRAIT OF MRS. ASHER WRIGHT, WHO WROTE THE AC-
COUNT OF MARY JEMISON'S LAST DAYS, IN 1833 . . . 352
PORTRAIT OF THOMAS JEMISON (BUFFALO TOM), GRANDSON
OF MARY JEMISON, WHO WAS PRESENT AT THE LAST
INDIAN COUNCIL ON THE GENESEE IN 1872 .... 368
PORTRAIT OF JAMES SHONGO, FAVORITE GRANDSON OF MARY
JEMISON, WHO SUPERINTENDED THE REMOVAL OF HER
REMAINS TO LETCHWORTH PARK IN 1874 384
PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM PRYOR LETCHWORTH, LL.D., WHO
GAVE SANCTUARY TO MARY JEMISON'S REMAINS AT
LETCHWORTH PARK IN 1874 400
DEDICATION OF THE BRONZE STATUE OF MARY JEMISON AT
LETCHWORTH PARK ON SEPTEMBER 19, 1910. From
photograph taken on that day 416
THE UPPER PORTAGE FALL AT LETCHWORTH PARK. From a
photograph taken in August, 1906 432
* GA-NUH'-SA, OR SEA-SHELL MEDAL. After figure in
Morgan's "League of the Iroquois" 435
tt-
PART I
THE FIRST EDITION
LITERALLY REPRODUCED
VOWEL SOUNDS.
a as in arm.
& as in at.
a as in ale.
£ as in met.
6 as in tone.
A NARRATIVE
OF THE LIFE OF
Who was taken by the Indians, in the year 1755,
when only about twelve years of age, and
has continued to reside amongst
them to the present time.
CONTAINING
An Account of the Murder of her Father and hii
Family; her sufferings ; her marriage to two Indians;
her troubles with her Children; barbarities of the
Indians in the French and Revolutionary Wars; the
life of her last Husband, Sec.; and many Historical
Facts never before published.
Carefully taken from her own words, A^ov. 29th, 1 8£3,
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
An APPENDIX, containing an account of the tragedy
at the Devil's Hole, in 1763, and of Sullivan's Ex-
pedition; the Traditions, Manners, Customs, fee. of
the Indians, as believed and practised at the present
day, and since Mrs. Jemison's captivity; together
with some Anecdotes, and other entertaining matter.
BY JAMES E. SEAVER.
CAWAMDAIGUA:
PRINTED BY J. D. BEMIS AND CO,
1824.
FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE-PAGE OF FIRST EDITION
(Actual size)
A NARRATIVE
OF THE LIFE OF
MRS. MARY JEMISON,
Who was taken by the Indians, in the year 1755,
when only about twelve years of age, and
has continued to reside amongst
them to the present time.
CONTAINING
An Account of the Murder of her Father and his
Family; her sufferings; her marriage to two Indians;
her troubles with her Children; barbarities of the
Indians in the French and Revolutionary Wars; the
life of her last Husband, &c.; and many Historical
Facts never before published.
Carefully taken from her own words, Nov. 29th, 1823.
TO WHICH IS ADDED.
An APPENDIX, containing an account of the tragedy
at the Devil's Hole, in 1763, and of Sullivan's Ex-
pedition; the Traditions, Manners, Customs, &c. of
the Indians, as believed and practised at the present
day, and since Mrs. Jemison's captivity; together
with some Anecdotes, and other entertaining matter.
BY JAMES E. SEAVER.
CANANDAIGUA:
PRINTED BY J. D. BEMIS AND CO.6
1824.
Northern District of New-York) to wit:
BE IT REMEMBERED, That on the eighth day of
May, in the forty-eighth year of the Independence of the
United States of America, A. D. 1824, JAMES D.
BEMIS, of the said District, has deposited in this
(L.S.) Office the title of a Book the right whereof he claims
as Proprietor, in the words following, to wit:
"A Narrative of the Life of Mrs. Mary Jemison,
who was taken by the Indians, in the year 1755, when only
about twelve years of age, and has continued to reside
amongst them to the present time; containing an account
of the Murder of her Father and his Family; her Suffer-
ings; her Marriage to two Indians; her Troubles with her
Children; barbarities of the Indians in the French and Re-
volutionary Wars; the Life of her last Husband, &c. and
many Historical Facts never before published. Carefully
taken from her own words, Nov. 29th, 1823. To which is
added an Appendix, containing an account of the Tragedy
at the Devil's Hole, in 1763, and of Sullivan's Expedition;
the Traditions, Manners, Customs, &c. of the Indians, as
believed and practised at the present day, and since Mrs.
Jemison's captivity; together with some anecdotes, and
other entertaining matter. By James E. Seaver."
In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United
States, entitled "An act for the encouragement of learning,
by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the
authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times
therein mentioned;" and also, to the act entitled, "An act
supplementary to an act entitled 'An act for the encourage-
ment of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts,
and Books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies,
during the times therein mentioned,' and extending the ben-
efits thereof to the arts of Designing, Engraving and Etch-
ing historical and other prints."
R. R. LANSING, Clerk of the
Northern District of New-York.
PREFACE.
THAT to biographical writings we are indebted for
the greatest and best field in which to study mankind,
or human nature, is a fact duly appreciated by a well-
informed community. In them we can trace the ef-
fects of mental operations to their proper sources; and
by comparing our own composition with that of those
who have excelled in virtue, or with that of those who
have been sunk in the lowest depths of folly and vice,
we are enabled to select a plan of life that will at least
afford self-satisfaction, and guide us through the world
in paths of morality.
Without a knowledge of the lives of the vile and
abandoned, we should be wholly incompetent to set
an appropriate value upon the charms, the excellence
and the worth of those principles which have produced
the finest traits in the character of the most virtuous.
Biography is a telescope of life, through which we
can see the extremes and excesses of the varied proper-
ties of the human heart. Wisdom and folly, refine-
ment and vulgarity, love and hatred, tenderness and
cruelty, happiness and misery, piety and infidelity, com-
mingled with every other cardinal virtue or vice, are to
be seen on the variegated pages of the history of hu-
man events, and are eminently deserving the attention
of those who would learn to walk in the "paths of
peace."
The brazen statue and the sculptured marble, can
commemorate the greatness of heroes, statesmen, phi-
losophers, and blood-stained conquerors, who have risen
to the zenith of human glory and popularity, under
the influence of the mild sun of prosperity: but it is
iv PREFACE.
the faithful page of biography that transmits to future
generations the poverty, pain, wrong, hunger, wretch-
edness and torment, and every nameless misery that
has been endured by those who have lived in obscurity,
and groped their lonely way through a long series of
unpropitious events, with but little help besides the
light of nature. While the gilded monument displays
in brightest colors the vanity of pomp, and the empti-
ness of nominal greatness, the biographical page, that
lives in every line, is giving lessons of fortitude in time
of danger, patience in suffering, hope in distress, in-
vention in necessity, and resignation to unavoidable
evils. Here also may be learned, pity for the bereaved,
benevolence for the destitute, and compassion for the
helpless; and at the same time all the sympathies of
the soul will be naturally excited to sigh at the unfa-
vorable result, or to smile at the fortunate relief.
In the great inexplicable chain which forms the cir-
cle of human events, each individual link is placed on
a level with the others, and performs an equal task;
but, as the world is partial, it is the situation that at-
tracts the attention of mankind, and excites the unfor-
tunate vociferous eclat of elevation, that raises the
pampered parasite to such an immense height in the
scale of personal vanity, as, generally, to deprive him
of respect, before he can return to a state of equilibrium
with his fellows, or to the place whence he started.
Few great men have passed from the stage of action,
who have not left in the history of their lives indelible
marks of ambition or folly, which produced insur-
mountable reverses, and rendered the whole a mere
caricature, that can be examined only with disgust and
regret. Such pictures, however, are profitable, for "by
others' faults wise men correct their own."
The following is a piece of biography, that shows
what changes may be effected in the animal and mental
constitution of man; what trials may be surmounted;
what cruelties perpetrated, and what pain endured,
PREFACE. v
when stern necessity holds the reins, and drives the car
of fate.
As books of tnis kind are sought and read with avid-
ity, especially by children, and are well calculated
to excite their attention, inform their understanding,
and improve them in the art of reading, the greatest
care has been observed to render the style easy, the
language comprehensive, and the description natural.
Prolixity has been studiously avoided. The line of
distinction between virtue and vice has been rendered
distinctly visible; and chastity of expression and sen-
timent have received due attention. Strict fidelity has
been observed in the composition: consequently, no
circumstance has been intentionally exaggerated by
the paintings of fancy, nor by fine flashes of rhetoric:
neither has the picture been rendered more dull than
the original. Without the aid of fiction, what was re-
ceived as matter of fact, only has been recorded.
It will be observed that the subject of this narrative
has arrived at least to the advanced age of eighty years;
that she is destitute of education; and that her journey
of life, throughout its texture, has been interwoven
with troubles, which ordinarily are calculated to impair
the faculties of the mind; and it will be remembered,
that there are but few old people who can recollect with
precision the circumstances of their lives, (particularly
those circumstances which transpired after middle age.)
If, therefore, any error shall be discovered in the nar-
ration in respect to time, it will be overlooked by the
kind reader, or charitably placed to the narrator's ac-
count, and not imputed to neglect, or to the want of
attention in the compiler.
The appendix is principally taken from the words of
Mrs. Jemison's statements. Those parts which were
not derived from her, are deserving equal credit, having
been obtained from authentic sources.
For the accommodation of the reader, the work has
been divided into chapters, and a copious table of con-
A2
vi PREFACE.
tents affixed. The introduction will facilitate the un-
derstanding of what follows; and as it contains matter
that could not be inserted with propriety in any other
place, will be read with interest and satisfaction.
Having finished my undertaking, the subsequent
pages are cheerfully submitted to the perusal and ap-
probation or animadversion of a candid, generous and
indulgent public. At the same time it is fondly hoped
that the lessons of distress that are pourtrayed, may
have a direct tendency to increase our love of liberty;
to enlarge our views of the blessings that are derived
from our liberal institutions; and to excite in our breasts
sentiments of devotion and gratitude to the great Au-
thor and finisher of our happiness.
THE AUTHOR.
Pembroke, March i, 1824.
Vll
INTRODUCTION.
THE Peace of 1783, and the consequent cessa-
tion of Indian hostilities and barbarities, returned
to their friends those prisoners, who had escaped
the tomahawk, the gauntlet, and the savage fire,
after their having spent many years in captivity,
and restored harmony to society.
The stories of Indian cruelties which were com-
mon in the new settlements, and were calamitous
realities previous to that propitious event; slum-
bered in the minds that had been constantly agi-
tated by them, and were only roused occasionally,
to become the fearful topic of the fireside.
It is presumed that at this time there are but
few native Americans that have arrived to middle
age, who cannot distinctly recollect of sitting in
the chimney corner when children, all contracted
with fear, and there listening to their parents or
visitors, while they related stories of Indian con-
quests, and murders, that would make their flaxen
hair nearly stand erect, and almost destroy the
power of motion.
At the close of the Revolutionary war; all that
part of the State of New- York that lies west of Uti-
ca was uninhabited by white people, and few in-
deed had ever passed beyond Fort Stanwix, ex-
cept when engaged in war against the Indians, who
were numerous, and occupied a number of large
towns between the Mohawk river and lake Erie.
viii INTRODUCTION.
Sometime elapsed after this event, before the coun-
try about the lakes and on the Genesee river was
visited, save by an occasional land speculator, or
by defaulters who wished by retreating to what in
those days was deemed almost the end of the earth,
to escape the force of civil law.
At length, the richness and fertility of the soil
excited emigration, and here and there a family
settled down and commenced improvements in the
country which had recently been the property of
the aborigines. Those who settled near the Gen-
esee river, soon became acquainted with "The
White Woman," as Mrs. Jemison is called, whose
history they anxiously sought, both as a matter of
interest and curiosity. Frankness characterized
her conduct, and without reserve she would readi-
ly gratify them by relating some of the most im-
portant periods of her life.
Although her bosom companion was an ancient
Indian warrior, and notwithstanding her children
and associates were all Indians, yet it was found
that she possessed an uncommon share of hospital-
ity, and that her friendship was well worth court-
ing and preserving. Her house was the stranger's
home; from her table the hungry were refresh-
ed;— she made the naked as comfortable as her
means would admit of; and in all her actions, dis-
covered so much natural goodness of heart, that
her admirers increased in proportion to the exten-
sion of her acquaintance, and she became celebra-
ted as the friend of the distressed. She was the
protectress of the homeless fugitive, and made
welcome the weary wanderer. Many still live to
commemorate her benevolence towards them,
INTRODUCTION. ix
when prisoners during the war, and to ascribe their
deliverance to the mediation of "The White Wo-
man."
The settlements increased, and the whole coun-
try around her was inhabited by a rich and respect-
able people, principally from New-England, as
much distinguished for their spirit of inquisitive-
ness as for their habits of industry and honesty,
who had all heard from one source and another a
part of her life in detached pieces, and had ob-
tained an idea that the whole taken in connection
would afford instruction and amusement.
Many gentlemen of respectability, felt anxious
that her narrative might be laid before the public,
with a view not only to perpetuate the remem-
brance of the atrocities of the savages in former
times, but to preserve some historical facts which
they supposed to be intimately connected with her
life, and which otherwise must be lost.
Forty years had passed since the close of the
Revolutionary war, and almost seventy years had
seen Mrs. Jemison with the Indians, when Daniel
W. Banister, Esq. at the instance of several gen-
tlemen, and prompted by his own ambition to add
something to the accumulating fund of useful
knowledge, resolved, in the autumn of 1823, to em-
brace that time, while she was capable of recollect-
ing and reciting the scenes through which she had
passed, to collect from herself, and to publish to
the world, an accurate account of her life.
I was employed to collect the materials, and
prepare the work for the press; and accordingly
went to the house of Mrs. Jennet Whaley in the
town of Castile, Genesee co. N. Y. in company
x INTRODUCTION.
with the publisher, who procured the interesting
subject of the following narrative, to come to that
place (a distance of four miles) and there repeat
the story of her eventful life. She came on foot
in company with Mr. Thomas Clute, whom she
considers her protector, and tarried almost three
days, which time was busily occupied in taking a
sketch of her narrative as she recited it.
Her appearance was well calculated to excite a
great degree of sympathy in a stranger, who had
been partially informed of her origin, when com-
paring her present situation with what it probably
would have been, had she been permitted to have
remained with her friends, and to have enjoyed
the blessings of civilization.
In stature she is very short, and considera-
bly under the middle size, and stands tolerably
erect, with her head bent forward, apparently from
her having for a long time been accustomed to
carrying heavy burdens in a strap placed across
her forehead. Her complexion is very white for a
woman of her age, and although the wrinkles of
fourscore years are deeply indented in her cheeks,
yet the crimson of youth is distinctly visible. Her
eyes are light blue, a little faded by age, and nat-
urally brilliant and sparkling. Her sight is quite
dim, though she is able to perform her necessary
labor without the assistance of glasses. Her cheek
bones are high, and rather prominent, and her
front teeth, in the lower jaw, are sound and good.
When she looks up and is engaged in conversation
her countenance is very expressive; but from her
long residence with the Indians, she has acquired
the habit of peeping from under eye-brows as they
INTRODUCTION. xi
do with the head inclined downwards. Formerly
her hair was of a light chesnut brown — it is now
quite grey, a little curled, of middling length and
tied in a bunch behind. She informed me that
she had never worn a cap nor a comb.
She speaks English plainly and distinctly, with
a little of the Irish emphasis, and has the use of
words so well as to render herself intelligible on
any subject with which she is acquainted. Her
recollection and memory exceeded my expecta-
tion. It cannot be reasonably supposed, that a
person of her age has kept the events of seventy
years in so complete a chain as to be able to as-
sign to each its proper time and place; she, how-
ever, made her recital with as few obvious mistakes
as might be found in that of a person of fifty.
She walks with a quick step without a staff, and
I was informed by Mr. Clute, that she could yet
cross a stream on a log or pole as steadily as any
other person.
Her passions are easily excited. At a number
of periods in her narration, tears trickled down her
grief worn cheek, and at the same time a rising
sigh would stop her utterance.
Industry is a virtue which she has uniformly
practised from the day of her adoption to the
present. She pounds her samp, cooks for herself,
gathers and chops wood, feeds her cattle and poul-
try, and performs other laborious services. Last
season she planted, tended and gathered corn — in
short, she is always busy.
Her dress at the time I saw her, was made and
worn after the Indian fashion, and consisted of a
shirt, short gown, petticoat, stockings, moccasins,
xii INTRODUCTION.
a blanket and a bonnet. The shirt was of cotton
and made at the top, as I was informed, like a
man's without collar or sleeves — was open before
and extended down about midway of the hips. —
The petticoat was a piece of broadcloth with the
list at the top and bottom and the ends sewed to-
gether. This was tied on by a string that was
passed over it and around the waist, in such a man-
ner as to let the bottom of the petticoat down half
way between the knee and ankle and leave one-
fourth of a yard at the top to be turned down over
the string — the bottom of the shirt coming a little
below, and on the outside of the top of the fold so
as to leave the list and two or three inches of the
cloth uncovered. The stockings, were of blue
broadcloth, tied, or pinned on, which reached from
the knees, into the mouth of the moccasins. —
Around her toes only she had some rags, and over
these her buckskin moccasins. Her gown was of
undressed flannel, colored brown. It was made in
old yankee style, with long sleeves, covered the
top of the hips, and was tied before in two places
with strings of deer skin. Over all this, she wore
an Indian blanket. On her head she wore a piece
of old brown woollen cloth made somewhat like a
sun bonnet.
Such was the dress that this woman was content-
ed to wear, and habit had rendered it convenient
and comfortable. She wore it not as a matter of
necessity, but from choice, for it will be seen in the
sequel, that her property is sufficient to enable her
to dress in the best fashion, and to allow her every
comfort of life.
Her house, in which she lives, is 20 by 28 feet;
INTRODUCTION. xiii
built of square timber, with a shingled roof, and a
framed stoop. In the centre of the house is a
chimney of stones and sticks, in which there are
two fire places. She has a good framed barn, 26
by 36, well filled, and owns a fine stock of cattle
and horses. Besides the buildings above mention-
ed, she owns a number of houses that are occupied
by tenants, who work her flats upon shares.
Her dwelling, is about one hundred rods north
of the Great Slide, a curiosity that will be described
in its proper place, on the west side of the Gene-
see river.
Mrs. Jemison, appeared sensible of her igno-
rance of the manners of the white people, and for
that reason, was not familiar, except with those
with whom she was intimately acquainted. In
fact she was (to appearance) so jealous of her
rights, or that she should say something that would
be injurious to herself or family, that if Mr. Clute
had not been present, we should have been unable
to have obtained her history. She, however, soon
became free and unembarrassed in her conversa-
tion, and spoke with a degree of mildness, candor
and simplicity, that is calculated to remove all
doubts as to the veracity of the speaker. The
vices of the Indians, she appeared disposed not to
aggravate, and seemed to take pride in extoling
their virtues. A kind of family pride inclined her
to withhold whatever would blot the character of
her descendants, and perhaps induced her to keep
back many things that would have been interest-
ing.
For the life of her last husband, we are indebted
to her cousin, Mr. George Jemison, to whom she
B
xiv INTRODUCTION.
referred us for information on that subject gener-
ally. The thoughts of his deeds, probably chilled
her old heart, and made her dread to rehearse
them, and at the same time she well knew they
were no secret, for she had frequently heard him
relate the whole, not only to her cousin, but to
others.
Before she left us she was very sociable, and she
resumed her naturally pleasant countenance, en-
livened with a smile.
Her neighbors speak of her as possessing one of
the happiest tempers and dispositions, and give
her the name of never having done a censurable
act to their knowledge.
Her habits, are those of the Indians — she sleeps
on skins without a bedstead, sits upon the floor or
on a bench, and holds her victuals on her lap, or
in her hands.
Her ideas of religion, correspond in every res-
pect with those of the great mass of the Senecas.
She applauds virtue, and despises vice. She be-
lieves in a future state, in which the good will be
happy, and the bad miserable; and that the ac-
quisition of that happiness, depends primarily
upon human volition, and the consequent good
deeds of the happy recipient of blessedness. The
doctrines taught in the Christian religion, she is a
stranger to.
Her daughters are said to be active and enter-
prizing women, and her grandsons, who arrived to
manhood, are considered able, decent and respect-
able men in their tribe.
Having in this cursory manner, introduced the
subject of the following pages, I proceed to the
INTRODUCTION. xv
narration of a life that has been viewed with at-
tention, for a great number of years by a few, and
which will be read by the public with the mixed
sensations of pleasure and pain, and with interest,
anxiety and satisfaction.
A NARRATIVE
OF
THE LIFE
OF
MRS. MARY JEMISON,
WHO WAS TAKEN BY THE INDIANS,
IN THE YEAR 1755,
When only about twelve years of age, and has continued
to reside amongst them to the present time.
CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF THE
MURDER OF HER FATHER AND HIS FAMILY ;
HER SUFFERINGS;
HER MARRIAGE TO TWO INDIANS;
HER TROUBLES WITH HER CHILDHEN ;
Barbarities of the Indians in the French and Revolutionary War»5
THE LIFE OF HER LAST HUSBAND ;
And many Historical Fads never before published.
CAREFULLY TAKEN FROM HER OWN WORDS,
Nov. 29tb, 1823.
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
AN APPENDIX,
Containing an Account of the Tragedy at the Devil's
Hole, in 1763, and of Sullivan's Expedition ; the Tradi-
tions, Manners, Customs, &c., of the Indians, as believed
and practised at the present day, and since Mrs.
Jemison's Captivity ; together 4.with some Anecdotes,
and other entertaining Matter.
BY JAMES E. SEAVER.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR LONG MAN, REES, ORME, BROWN, AND GREEN, PATER-
NOSTER-ROW j AND T. AND J. ALLMAN, GREAT QUEEN-STREST.
1827
FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE-PAGE OF THIRD EDITION
(Actual size)
LIFE
OF
MARY JEMISON.
CHAPTER I.
Nativity of her Parents. — Their removal to America. —
Her Birth. — Parents settle in Pennsylvania. — Omen
of her Captivity.
ALTHOUGH I may have frequently heard the
history of my ancestry, my recollection is too im-
perfect to enable me to trace it further back than
to my father and mother, whom I have often heard
mention the families from whence they originated,
as having possessed wealth and honorable stations
under the government of the country in which
they resided.
On the account of the great length of time that
has elapsed since I was separated from my parents
and friends, and having heard the story of their
nativity only in the days of my childhood, I am
not able to state positively, which of the two coun-
tries, Ireland or Scotland, was the land of my parents'
birth and education. It, however, is my impression,
that they were born and brought up in Ireland.7
62
i8 LIFE OF
My Father's name was Thomas Jemison, and
my mother's, before her marriage with him, was
Jane Erwin. Their affection for each other was
mutual, and of that happy kind which tends direct-
ly to sweeten the cup of life; to render connubial
sorrows lighter; to assuage every discontentment;
and to promote not only their own comfort, but
that of all who come within the circle of their
acquaintance. Of their happiness I recollect to
have heard them speak; and the remembrance I
yet retain of their mildness and perfect agreement
in the government of their children, together with
their mutual attention to our common education,
manners, religious instruction and wants, renders it
a fact in my mind, that they were ornaments to
the married state, and examples of connubial love,
worthy of imitation. After my remembrance,
they were strict observers of religious duties; for
it was the daily practice of my father, morning
and evening, to attend, in his family, to the wor-
ship of God.
Resolved to leave the land of their nativity,
they removed from their residence to a port in
Ireland, where they lived but a short time before
they set sail for this country, in the year 1742 or 3,
on board the ship Mary William, bound to Phila-
delphia, in the state of Pennsylvania.
The intestine divisions, civil wars, and ecclesias-
tical rigidity and domination that prevailed in
those days, were the causes of their leaving their
mother country, to find a home in the American
wilderness, under the mild and temperate govern-
ment of the descendants of William Penn; where,
without fear, they might worship God, and per-
form their usual avocations.
MARY JEMISON. 19
In Europe my parents had two sons and one
daughter, whose names were John, Thomas and
Betsey; with whom, after having put their effects
on board, they embarked, leaving a large connex-
ion of relatives and friends, under all those painful
sensations, which are only felt when kindred souls
give the parting hand and last farewell to those to
whom they are endeared by every friendly tie.
In the course of their voyage I was born,8 to be
the sport of fortune and almost an outcast to civil
society; to stem the current of adversity through
a long chain of vicissitudes, unsupported by the
advice of tender parents, or the hand of an affec-
tionate friend; and even without the enjoyment,
from others, of any of those tender sympathies
that are adapted to the sweetening of society, ex-
cept such as naturally flow from uncultivated
minds, that have been calloused by ferocity.
Excepting my birth, nothing remarkable occur-
red to my parents on their passage, and they were
safely landed at Philadelphia. My father being
fond of rural life, and having been bred to agricul-
tural pursuits, soon left the city, and removed his
family to the then frontier settlements of Pennsyl-
vania, to a tract of excellent land lying on Marsh
creek.9 At that place he cleared a large farm, and
for seven or eight years enjoyed the fruits of his
industry. Peace attended their labors; and they
had nothing to alarm them, save the midnight howl
of the prowling wolf, or the terrifying shriek of the
ferocious panther, as they occasionally visited their
improvements, to take a lamb or a calf to satisfy
their hunger.
During this period my mother had two sons, be-
20 LIFE OF
tween whose ages there was a difference of about
three years: the oldest was named Matthew, and
the other Robert.
Health presided on every countenance, and vigor
and strength characterized every exertion. Our
mansion was a little paradise. The morning of
my childish, happy days, will ever stand fresh in
my remembrance, notwithstanding the many se-
vere trials through which I have passed, in arriving
at my present situation, at so advanced an age.
Even at this remote period, the recollection of my
pleasant home at my father's, of my parents, of
my brothers and sister, and of the manner in which
I was deprived of them all at once, affects me so
powerfully, that I am almost overwhelmed with
grief, that is seemingly insupportable. Frequently
I dream of those happy days: but, alas! they are
gone: they have left me to be carried through a
long life, dependent for the little pleasures of
nearly seventy years, upon the tender mercies of
the Indians! In the spring of I752,10 and through
the succeeding seasons, the stories of Indian bar-
barities inflicted upon the whites in those days,
frequently excited in my parents the most serious
alarm for our safety.
The next year the storm gathered faster; many
murders were committed; and many captives were
exposed to meet death in its most frightful form,
by having their bodies stuck full of pine splinters,
which were immediately set on fire, while their
tormentors, exulting in their distress, would re-
joice at their agony!
In 1754, an army for the protection of the set-
tlers, and to drive back the French and Indians,
MARY JEMISON. 21
was raised from the militia of the colonial govern-
ments, and placed (secondarily) under the com-
mand of Col. George Washington. In that army
I had an uncle, whose name was John Jemison,
who was killed at the battle at the Great Meadows,11
or Fort Necessity. His wife had died some time
before this, and left a young child, which my mo-
ther nursed in the most tender manner, till its mo-
ther's sister~took it away, a few months after my
uncle's death. The French and Indians, after the
surrender of Fort Necessity by Col. Washington,
(which happened the same season, and soon after
his victory over them at that place,) grew more «/
and more terrible. The death of the whites, and
plundering and burning their property, was appa-
rently their only object: But as yet we had not
heard the death-yell, nor seen the smoke of a
dwelling that had been lit by an Indian's hand.
The return of a new-year's day found us unmo-
lested; and though we knew that the enemy was
at no great distance from us, my father concluded
that he would continue to occupy his land another
season: expecting (probably from the great exer-
tions which the government was then making) that
as soon as the troops could commence their opera-
tions in the spring, the enemy would be conquered
and compelled to agree to a treaty of peace.
In the preceding autumn my father either mov-
ed to another part of his farm, or to another neigh-
borhood, a short distance from our former abode.
I well recollect moving, and that the barn that was
on the place we moved to was built of logs, though
the house was a good one.
i The winter of 1754 — 5 12 was as mild as a com-
22 LIFE OF
mon fall season,13 and the spring presented a pleas-
ant seed time, and indicated a plenteous harvest.
My father, with the assistance of his oldest sons,
repaired his farm as usual, and was daily preparing
the soil for the reception of the seed. His cattle
and sheep were numerous, and according to the
best idea of wealth that I can now form, he was
wealthy.
But alas! how transitory are all human affairs!
how fleeting are riches! how brittle the invisible
thread on which all earthly comforts are suspend-
ed! Peace in a moment can take an immeasurable
flight; health can lose its rosy cheeks; and life
will vanish like a vapor at the appearance of the
sun! In one fatal day our prospects were all
blasted; and death, by cruel hands, inflicted upon
almost the whole of the family.
On a pleasant day in the spring of 1755," when
my father was sowing flax-seed, and my brothers
driving the teams, I was sent to a neighbor's house,
a distance of perhaps a mile, to procure a horse
and return with it the next morning. I went as I
was directed. I was out of the house in the be-
ginning of the evening, and saw a sheet wide
spread approaching towards me, in which I was
caught (as I have ever since believed) and depriv-
ed of my senses! The family soon found me on
the ground, almost lifeless, (as they said,) took me
in, and made use of every remedy in their power
for my recovery, but without effect till day-break,
when my senses returned, and I soon found my-
self in good health, so that I went home with the
horse very early in the morning.
The appearance of that sheet, I have ever con-
MARY JEMISON. 23
sidered as a forerunner of the melancholy catastro-
phe that so soon afterwards happened to our fam-
ily: and my being caught in it, I believe, was
ominous of my preservation from death at the
time we were captured.
CHAPTER II.
Her Education. — Captivity. — Journey to Fort Pitt. —
Mother's Farewell Address. — Murder of her Family.
— Preparation of the Scalps. — Indian Precautions. —
Arrival at Fort Pitt, &c.
MY education had received as much attention
from my parents, as their situation in a new coun-
try would admit of. I had been at' school some, *•
where I learned to read in a book that was about
half as large as a Bible; and in the Bible I had \
read a little. I had also learned the Catechism,
which I used frequently to repeat to my parents,
and every night, before I went to bed, I was obli-
ged to stand up before my mother and repeat
some words that I suppose was a prayer.
My reading, Catechism and prayers, I have
long since forgotten; though for a number of
the first years that I lived with the Indians, I
repeated the prayers as often as I had an opportu-
nity. After the revolutionary war, I remembered
the names of some of the letters when I saw them;
but have never read a word since I was taken f
prisoner. It is but a few years since a Missionary
kindly gave me a Bible, which I am very fond of
24 LIFE OF
hearing my neighbors read to me, and should be
pleased to learn to read it myself; but my sight
has been for a number of years, so dim that I have
not been able to distinguish one letter from another.
As I before observed, I got home with the horse
very early in the morning, where I found a man
that lived in our neighborhood, and his sister-in-
law who had three children, one son and two
daughters. I soon learned that they had come
there to live a short time; but for what purpose I
cannot say. The woman's husband,15 however, was
at that time in Washington's army, righting for
his country; and as her brother-in-law had a house
she had lived with him in his absence. Their
names I have forgotten.
Immediately after I got home, the man took
the horse to go to his house after a bag of grain,
and took his gun in his hand for the purpose of
killing game, if he should chance to see any. —
Our family, as usual, was busily employed about
their common business. Father was shaving an
axe-helve at the side of the house; mother was
making preparations for breakfast; — my two old-
est brothers were at work near the barn; and the
little ones, with myself, and the woman and her
three children, were in the house.
Breakfast was not yet ready, when we were
alarmed by the discharge of a number of guns,
that seemed to be near. Mother and the women
before mentioned, almost fainted at the report,
and every one trembled with fear. On opening
the door, the man and horse lay dead near the
house, having just been shot by the Indians.
' I was afterwards informed, that the Indians
MARY JEMISON. 25
discovered him at his own house with his gun, and
pursued him to father's, where they shot him as I
have related. They first secured my father, and
then rushed into the house, and without the least
resistance made prisoners of my mother, Robert,
Matthew, Betsey, the woman and her three chil-
dren, and myself, and then commenced plun-
dering.16
My two brothers, Thomas and John,17 being" at
the barn, escaped and went to Virginia, where my
grandfather Erwin then lived, as I was informed
by a Mr. Fields, who was at my house about the
close of the revolutionary war.
The party that took us consisted of six Indians
and four Frenchmen, who immediately commen-
ced plundering, as I just observed, and took what
they considered most valuable; consisting princi-
pally of bread, meal and meat. Having taken as
much provision as they could carry, they set out
with their prisoners in great haste, for fear of
detection, and soon entered the woods.18 On our
march that day, an Indian went behind us with a
whip, with which he frequently lashed the children
to make them keep up. In this manner we trav-
elled till dark without a mouthful of food or a
drop of water; although we had not eaten since
the night before. Whenever the little children
cried for water, the Indians would make them
drink urine or go thirsty. At night they encamped
in the woods without fire and without shelter,
where we were watched with the greatest vigilance.
Extremely fatigued, and very hungry, we were
compelled to lie upon the ground supperless and
without a drop of water to satisfy the cravings of
3 C
26 LIFE OF
our appetites. As in the day time, so the little
ones were made to drink urine in the night if they
cried for water. Fatigue alone brought us a little
sleep for the refreshment of our weary limbs; and
at the dawn of day 19 we were again started on our
march in the same order that we had proceeded
on the day before. About sunrise we were
halted, and the Indians gave us a full breakfast of
provision that they had brought from my father's
house. Each of us being very hungry, partook of
this bounty of the Indians, except father, who was
so much overcome with his situation — so much
exhausted by anxiety and grief, that silent despair
seemed fastened upon his countenance, and he
could not be prevailed upon to refresh his sinking
nature by the use of a morsel of food. Our repast
being finished, we again resumed our march, and
before noon passed a small fort that I heard my
father say was called Fort Canagojigge.20
That was the only time that I heard him speak
from the time we were taken till we were finally
separated the following night.
Towards evening we arrived at the border of a
dark and dismal swamp, which was covered with
small hemlocks, or some other evergreen, and other
bushes, into which we were conducted; and having
gone a short distance we stopped to encamp for
the night.
Here we had some bread and meat for supper:
but the dreariness of our situation, together with the
uncertainty under which we all labored, as to our
future destiny, almost deprived us of the sense of
hunger, and destroyed our relish for food.
Mother, from the time we were taken, had
MARY JEMISON. 27
manifested a great degree of fortitude, and encour- $
aged us to support our troubles without complaining;
and by her conversation seemed to make the dis-
tance and time shorter, and the way more smooth.
But father lost all his ambition in the beginning of
our trouble, and continued apparently lost to every
care — absorbed in melancholy. Here, as before,
she insisted on the necessity of our eating; and we
obeyed her, but it was done with heavy hearts.
As soon as I had finished my supper, an Indian
took off my shoes and stockings and put a pair of
moccasins on my feet, which my mother observed;
and believing that they would spare my life, even
if they should destroy the other captives, addressed
me as near as I can remember in the following
words: —
"My dear little Mary, I fear that the time has
arrived when we must be parted forever. Your
life, my child, I think will be spared; but we shall
probably be tomahawked here in this lonesome
place by the Indians. O! how can I part with you
my darling? What will become of my sweet little
Mary? Oh! how can I think of your being con-
tinued in captivity without a hope of your being
rescued? O that death had snatched you from my
embraces in your infancy; the pain of parting then
would have been pleasing to what it now is; and I
should have seen the end of your troubles! — Alas,
my dear! my heart bleeds at the thoughts of what
awaits you; but, if you 'leave us, remember my
child your own name, and the name of your father
and mother. Be careful and not forget your
English tongue. If you shall have an opportunity
to get away from the Indians, don't try to escape; }
28 LIFE OF
for if you do they will find and destroy you. Don't
forget, my little daughter, the prayers that I have
learned you — say them often; be a good child,
and God will bless you. May God bless you my
child, and make you comfortable and happy."
During this time, the Indians stripped the shoes
and stockings from the little boy that belonged to
the woman who was taken with us, and put moc-
casins on his feet, as they had done before on mine.
I was crying. An Indian took the little boy and
myself by the hand, to lead us off from the com-
pany, when my mother exclaimed, "Don't cry
Mary — don't cry my child. God will bless you!
Farewell — farewell !"
The Indian led us some distance into the bushes,
or woods, and there lay down with us to spend the
night. The recollection of parting with my tender
mother kept me awake, while the tears constantly
flowed from my eyes. A number of times in the
night the little boy begged of me earnestly to run
away with him and get clear of the Indians; but
remembering the advice I had so lately received,
and knowing the dangers to which we should be
exposed, in travelling without a path and without
a guide, through a wilderness unknown to us, I told
him that I would not go, and persuaded him to lie
still till morning.
Early the next morning Zl the Indians and French-
men that we had left the night before, came to us;
but our friends were left behind. It is impossible
for any one to form a correct idea of what my feel-
ings were at the sight of those savages, whom I
supposed had murdered my parents and brothers,
sister, and friends, and left them in the swamp to
MARY JEMISON. 29
be devoured by wild beasts! But what could I do?
A poor little defenceless girl; without the power
or means of escaping; without a home to go to,
even if I could be liberated; without a knowledge
of the direction or distance to my former place of
residence; and without a living friend to whom to
fly for protection, I felt a kind of horror, anxiety,
and dread, that, to me, seemed insupportable. I
durst not cry — I durst not complain; and to inquire
of them the fate of my friends (even if I could have
mustered resolution) was beyond my ability, as I
could not speak their language, nor they understand
mine. My only relief was in silent stifled sobs.
My suspicions as to the fate of my parents proved
too true; for soon after I left them they were killed
and scalped, together with Robert, Matthew, Bet-
sey,22 and the woman and her two children, and
mangled in the most shocking manner.23
Having given the little boy and myself some
bread and meat for breakfast, they led us on as fast
as we could travel, and one of them went behind
and with a long staff, picked up all the grass and
weeds that we trailed down by going over them.
By taking that precaution they avoided detection;
for each weed was so nicely placed in its natural
position that no one would have suspected that we
had passed that way. It is the custom of Indians
when scouting, or on private expeditions, to step
carefully and where no impression of their feet can
be left — shunning wet or muddy ground. They
seldom take hold of a bush or limb, and never break
one; and by observing those precautions and that
of setting up the weeds and grass which they neces-
sarily lop, they completely elude the sagacity of
Cz
30 LIFE OF
their pursuers, and escape that punishment which
they are conscious they merit from the hand of
justice.
After a hard day's march we encamped in a
thicket, where the Indians made a shelter of boughs,
and then built a good fire to warm and dry our
benumbed limbs and clothing; for it had rained
some through the day. Here we were again fed
as before. When the Indians had finished their
supper they took from their baggage a number of
scalps and went about preparing them for the
market, or to keep without spoiling, by straining
them over small hoops which they prepared for
that purpose, and then drying and scraping them
by the fire. Having put the scalps> yet wet and
bloody, upon the hoops, and stretched them to their
full extent, they held them to the fire till they were
partly dried and then with their knives commenced
scraping off" the flesh; and in that way they con-
tinued to work, alternately drying and scraping
them, till they were dry and clean. That being
done they combed the hair in the neatest manner,
and then painted it and the edges of the scalps yet
on the hoops, red. Those scalps I knew at the time
must have been taken from our family by the color
of the hair. My mother's hair was red; and I
could easily distinguish my father's and the chil-
dren's from each other. That sight was most
appaling; yet, I was obliged to endure it without
complaining.
In the course of the night they made me to un-
derstand that they should not have killed the
family if the whites had not pursued them.
Mr. Fields, whom I have before mentioned,
MARY JEMISON. 31
informed me that at the time we were taken, he
lived in the vicinity of my father; and that on
hearing of our captivity, the whole neighborhood
turned out in pursuit of the enemy, and to deliver
us if possible: but that their efforts were unavailing.
They however pursued us to the dark swamp,
where they found my father, his family and com-
panions, stripped and mangled in the most inhuman
manner: That from thence the march of the cruel
monsters could not be traced in any direction;
and that they returned to their homes with the
melancholy tidings of our misfortunes, supposing
that we had all shared in the massacre.
The next morning24 we went on; the Indian going
behind us and setting up the weeds as on the day
before. At night we encamped on the ground in
the open air, without a shelter or fire.
In the morning25 we again set out early, and
travelled as on the two former days, though the
weather was extremely uncomfortable, from the
continual falling of rain and snow.
At night the snow fell fast, and the Indians built
a shelter of boughs, and a fire, where we rested
tolerably dry through that and the two succeeding
nights.
When we stopped, and before the fire was
kindled, I was so much fatigued from running, and
so far benumbed by the wet and cold, that I expect-
ed that I must fail and die before I could get warm
and comfortable. The fire, however, soon restored
the circulation, and after I had taken my supper I
felt so that I rested well through the night.
On account of the storm, we were two days 26 at that
place. On one of those days, a party consisting of
32 LIFE OF
six Indians who had been to the frontier settlements,
came to where we were, and brought with them
one prisoner, a young white man who was very
tired and dejected. His name I have forgotten.
Misery certainly loves company. I was ex-
tremely glad to see him, though I knew from his
appearance, that his situation was as deplorable as
mine, and that he could afford me no kind of
assistance. In the afternoon the Indians killed a
deer, which they dressed, and then roasted it
whole; which made them a full meal. We were
each allowed a share of their venison, and some
bread, so that we made a good meal also.
Having spent three nights and two days at that
place, and the storm having ceased, early in the
morning 27 the whole company, consisting of twelve
Indians, four Frenchmen, the young man, the
little boy and myself, moved on at a moderate
pace without an Indian behind us to deceive our
pursuers.
In the afternoon we came in sight of Fort Pitt
(as it is now called), where we were halted while
the Indians performed some customs 28 upon their
prisoners which they deemed necessary. That
fort was then occupied by the French and Indians,
and was called Fort Du Quesne. It stood at the
junction of the Monongahela, which is said to
signify, in some of the Indian languages, the
Falling-in-Banks,* and the Alleghany t rivers,
* Navigator.29
fThe word Alleghenny, was derived from an ancient
race of Indians called "Tallegawe."30 The Delaware In-
dians, instead of saying "Alleghenny," say "Allegawe,"
or "Allegawenink." Western Tour — p. 4SS-31
A NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF
MRS. MARY JEMISON,
Who»was taken by a party of French and Indians at Marsh Creek, in Pennsyl-
vania, in the year 1755, and carried down the Ohio River when only 12 years of
age, and who continued to reside with the Indians and follow their manner of liv-
ing 78 years, until the time of her death, which took place at the SENECA RKSKK-
VATI'OK, near Buffalo, N. Y. in 1833 at the advanced age of 90 years.
CONTAINING
An account of the Murder of her Father's Family, who were taken captive? at
the same time with herself, but who were Tomahawked and Scalped the second
nighl of their captivity; her Marriage to two Indian Chiefs, with whom she
lived many years, and both of whom she followed to the grave
TO WHICH IS ADDED
An account of her conversion to the Christian Religion a few months before her
death: — H*r ideas of the Christian Religion and views of herself previous to
her cqfersion, as related by the Rev. Mr. WRIGHT, Minister at the Seneca
Reservation, where she died.
ROCHESTER:
PRINTED BY MLLER & BUTTERFIELD.
1840.
FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE-PAGE OF FIFTH EDITION
(Actual size)
MARY JEMISON. 33
where the Ohio river begins to take its name. The
word O-hi-o, signifies bloody.32
At the place where we halted, the Indians
combed the hair of the young man, the boy and
myself, and then painted our faces and hair redr
in the finest Indian style. We were then conduct-
ed into the fort, where we received a little bread,
and were then shut up and left to tarry alone
through the night.33
CHAPTER III.
She is given to two Squaws. — Her Journey down the
Ohio. — Passes a Shawanee town where white men
had just been burnt. — Arrives at the Seneca town. —
Her Reception. — She is adopted. — Ceremony o£
Adoption. — Indian Custom. — Address. — She receives
a new name. — Her Employment. — Retains her own
and learns the Seneca Language. — Situation of the
Town, &c. — Indians go on a Hunting Tour to Sci-
ota and take her with them. — Returns. — She is taken
to Fort Pitt, and then hurried back by her Indian
Sisters. — Her hopes of Liberty destroyed. — Second
Tour to Sciota. — Return to Wiishto, &c. — Arrival
of Prisoners. — Priscilla Ramsay. — Her Chain. —
Mary marries a Delaware. — Her Affection for him. —
Birth and Death of her first Child. — Her Sickness
and Recovery. — Birth of Thomas Jemison.
THE night was spent in gloomy forebodings.
What the result of our captivity would be, it was
out of our power to determine or even imagine. —
At times we could almost realize the approach of
34 LIFE OF
our masters to butcher and scalp us; — again we
could nearly see the pile of wood kindled on which
we were to be roasted; and then we would imagine
ourselves at liberty; alone and defenceless in the
forest, surrounded by wild beasts that were ready
to devour us. The anxiety of our minds drove
sleep from our eyelids; and it was with a dreadful
hope and painful impatience that we waited for
the morning to determine our fate.
The morning 34 at length arrived, and our masters
came early and let us out of the house, and gave
the young man and boy to the French, who imme-
diately took them away. Their fate I never
learned; as I have not seen nor heard of them
since.
I was now left alone in the fort, deprived of my
former companions, and of everything that was
near or dear to me but life. But it was not long
before I was in some measure relieved by the
appearance of two pleasant looking squaws of the
Seneca tribe,35 who came and examined me atten-
tively for a short time, and then went out. After a
few minutes absence they returned with my former
masters, who gave me to them to dispose of as they
pleased.
The Indians by whom I was taken were a party
of Shawanees,36 if I remember right, that lived, when
at home, a long distance down the Ohio.
My former Indian masters, and the two squaws,
were soon ready to leave the fort, and accordingly
embarked; the Indians in a large canoe, and the
two squaws and myself in a small one, and went
down the Ohio.
When we set off, an Indian in the forward canoe
MARY JEMISON. 35
took the scalps of my former friends, strung them
on a pole that he placed upon his shoulder, and in
that manner carried them, standing in the stern of
the canoe, directly before us as we sailed down the
river, to the town where the two squaws resided.
On our way we passed a Shawanee town,37 where
I saw a number of heads, arms, legs, and other
fragments of the bodies of some white people who
had just been burnt. The parts that remained
were hanging on a pole which was supported at
each end by a crotch stuck in the ground, and
were roasted or burnt black as a coal. The fire
was yet burning; and the whole appearances af-
forded a spectacle so shocking, that, even to this
day, my blood almost curdles in my veins when I
think of them!
At night we arrived at a small Seneca Indian
town, at the mouth of a small river, that was called
by the Indians, in the Seneca language, She-nan-
jee,* where the two Squaws 38 to whom I belonged
resided. There we landed, and the Indians went
on; which was the last I ever saw of them.
Having made fast to the shore, the Squaws left
me in the canoe while they went to their wigwam
or house in the town, and returned with a suit of
Indian clothing, all new, and very clean and nice.
My clothes, though whole and good when I was
*That town, according to the geographical description
given by Mrs. Jemison, must have stood at the mouth of
Indian Cross creek, which is about 76 miles by water,
below Pittsburgh; or at the mouth of Indian Short creek,
87 miles below Pittsburgh, where the town of Warren now
stands. But at which of those places I am unable to deter-
mine.39 Author.
36 LIFE OF
taken, were now torn in pieces, so that I was
almost naked. They first undressed me and
threw my rags into the river; then washed me
clean and dressed me in the new suit they had just
brought, in complete Indian style; 40 and then led
me home and seated me in the center of their
wigwam.
I had been in that situation but a few minutes,
before all the Squaws in the town came in to see
me. I was soon surrounded by them, and they
immediately set up a most dismal howling, crying
bitterly, and wringing their hands in all the ago-
j nies of grief for a deceased relative.
Their tears flowed freely, and they exhibited all
the signs of real mourning. At the commence-
ment of this scene, one of their number began, in
a voice somewhat between speaking and singing,
to recite some words to the following purport, and
continued the recitation till the ceremony was end-
ed; the company at the same time varying the
appearance of their countenances, gestures and
tone of voice, so as to correspond with the senti-
ments expressed by their leader:
"Oh our brother! Alas! He is dead — he has
gone; he will never return! Friendless he died
on the field of the slain, where his bones are yet
lying unburied! Oh, who will not mourn his sad
fate? No tears dropped around him; oh, no!
/ No tears of his sisters were there! He fell in his
prime, when his arm was most needed to keep us
from danger! Alas! he has gone! and left us in
sorrow, his loss to bewail: Oh where is his spirit?
His spirit went naked, and hungry it wanders, and
thirsty and wounded it groans to return! Oh help-
MARY JEMISON. 37
less and wretched, our brother has gone! No
blanket nor food to nourish and warm him; nor
candles to light him, nor weapons of war: — Oh,
none of those comforts had he! But well we
remember his deeds! — The deer he could take on
the chase! The panther shrunk back at the sight
of his strength! His enemies fell at his feet! He
was brave and courageous in war! As the fawn
he was harmless: his friendship was ardent: his
temper was gentle: his pity was great! Oh!
our friend, our companion is dead! Our brother,
our brother, alas! he is gone! But why do we
grieve for his loss? In the strength of a warrior,
undaunted he left us, to fight by the side of the
Chiefs! His war-whoop was shrill! His rifle well
aimed laid his enemies low: his tomahawk drank
of their blood: and his knife flayed their scalps
while yet covered with gore! And why do we
mourn? Though he fell on the field of the slain,
with glory he fell, and his spirit went up to the
land of his fathers in war! Then why do we
mourn? With transports of joy they received
him, and fed him, and clothed him, and wel-
comed him there! Oh friends, he is happy; then
dry up your tears! His spirit has seen our distress,
and sent us a helper whom with pleasure we
greet. Dickewamis 41 has come: then let us receive
her with joy! She is handsome and pleasant!
Oh! she is our sister, and gladly we welcome
her here. In the place of our brother she stands
in our tribe. With care we will guard her from
trouble; and may she be happy till her spirit shall
leave us."
In the course of that ceremony, from mourning
D
3 8 LIFE OF
they became serene — joy sparkled in their coun-
tenances, and they seemed to rejoice over me as
over a long lost child. I was made welcome
amongst them as a sister to the two Squaws before
mentioned, and was called Dickewamis; which
being interpreted, signifies a pretty girl, a hand-
some girl, or a pleasant, good thing. That is the
name by which I have ever since been called by
the Indians.
I afterwards learned that the ceremony I at
f'lat time passed through, was that of adoption,
he two squaws had lost a brother in Wash-
«.gton's war,42 sometime in the year before, and
in consequence of his death went up to Fort Pitt,
on the day on which I arrived there, in order to
receive a prisoner or an enemy's scalp, to supply
their loss.
It is a custom of the Indians, when one of their
number is slain or taken prisoner in battle, to give
to the nearest relative to the dead or absent, a pris-
oner, if they have chanced to take one, and if not,
to give him the scalp of an enemy. On the return
of the Indians from conquest, which is always
announced by peculiar shoutings, demonstrations
of joy, and the exhibition of some trophy of victory,
the mourners come forward and make their claims.
If they receive a prisoner, it is at their option either
to satiate their vengeance by taking his life in the
most cruel manner they can conceive of; or, to
receive and adopt him into the family, in the place
of him whom they have lost. All the prisoners
that are taken in battle and carried to the encamp-
ment or town by the Indians, are given to the
bereaved families, till their number is made good.
MARY JEMISON. 39
And unless the mourners have but just received
the news of their bereavement, and are under the
operation of a paroxysm of grief, anger and re-
venge; or, unless the prisoner is very old, sickly,
or homely, they generally save him, and treat him
kindly. But if their mental wound is fresh, their
loss so great that they deem it irreparable, or if
their prisoner or prisoners do not meet their appro-
bation, no torture, let it be ever so cruel, seems
sufficient to make them satisfaction. It is family,43
and not national, sacrifices amongst the Indians,
that has given them an indelible stamp as barbari-
ans, and identified their character with the idea
which is generally formed of unfeeling ferocity,
and the most abandoned cruelty.
It was my happy lot to be accepted for adoption;
and at the time of the ceremony I was received by
the two squaws, to supply the place of their brother
in the family; and I was ever considered and treat-
ed by them as a real sister, the same as though I
had been born of their mother.
During my adoption, I sat motionless, nearly
terrified to death at the appearance and actions of
the company, expecting every moment to feel their
vengeance, and suffer death on the spot. I was,
however, happily disappointed, when at the close
of the ceremony the company retired, and my
sisters went about employing every means for my
consolation and comfort.44
Being now settled and provided with a home, I
was employed in nursing the children, and_dping
light work about the house. Occasionally I was
sent out with the Indian hunters, when they went
but a short distance, to help them carry their game.
40 LIFE OF
My situation was easy; I had no particular hard-
ships to endure. But still, the recollection of my
parents, my brothers and sisters, my home, and
my own captivity, destroyed my happiness, and
made me constantly solitary, lonesome and gloomy.
My sisters would not allow me to speak English
in their hearing; but remembering the charge that
my dear mother gave me at the time I left her,
whenever I chanced to be alone I made a business
of repeating my prayer, catechism, or something I
had learned in order that I might not forget my
own language. By practising in that way I retain-
ed it till I came to Genesee flats, where I soon
became acquainted with English people with whom
I have been almost daily in the habit of conversing.
My sisters were diligent in teaching me their
language; and to their great satisfaction I soon
learned so that I could understand it readily, and
speak it fluently. I was very fortunate in falling
into their hands; for they were kind good natured
women; peaceable and mild in their dispositions;
temperate and decent in their habits, and very ten-
der and gentle towards me. I have great reason
to respect them, though they have been dead a
great number of years.
The town where they lived was pleasantly situat-
ed on the Ohio, at the mouth of the Shenanjee:
the land produced good corn; the woods furnished
a plenty of game, and the waters abounded with
fish. Another river emptied itself into the Ohio,
directly opposite the mouth of the Shenanjee.
We spent the summer at that place, where we
planted, hoed, and harvested a large crop of corn,
of an excellent quality.
MARY JEMISON. 41
About the time of corn harvest, Fort Pitt was
taken from the French by the English.*
The corn being harvested, the Indians took it on
horses and in canoes, and proceeded down the
Ohio, occasionally stopping to hunt a few days, till
we arrived at the mouth of Sciota river;45 where
they established their winter quarters, and contin-
ued hunting till the ensuing spring, in the adjacent
wilderness. While at that place I went with the
other children to assist the hunters to bring in their
game. The forests on the Sciota 46 were well stocked
with elk, deer, and other large animals; and the
marshes contained large numbers of beaver, musk-
rat, &c. which made excellent hunting for the In-
dians; who depended, for their meat, upon their
success in taking elk and deer; and for ammunition
and clothing, upon the beaver, muskrat, and other
furs that they could take in addition to their peltry.
The season for hunting being passed, we all
returned in the spring 47 to the mouth of the river
Shenanjee, to the houses and fields we had left in
the fall before. There we again planted our corn,
squashes, and beans, on the fields that we occupied
the preceding summer.
*The above statement is apparently an error; and is to
be attributed solely to the treachery of the old lady's memo-
ry; though she is confident that that event took place at
the time above mentioned. It is certain that Fort Pitt was
not evacuated by the French and given up to the English,
till sometime in November, 1758. It is possible, however,
that an armistice was agreed upon, and that for a time, be-
tween the spring of 1755 and 1758, both nations visited that
post without fear of molestation. As the succeeding part of
the narrative corresponds with the true historical chain of
events, the public will overlook this circumstance, which
appears unsupported by history.48 AUTHOR.
4 D 2
42 LIFE OF
About planting time, our Indians all went up to
Fort Pitt, to make peace with the British, and took
me with them.* We landed on the opposite side
of the river from the fort, and encamped for the
night. Early the next morning the Indians took
me over to the fort to see the white people that
were there. It was then that my heart bounded to
be liberated from the Indians and to be restored to
my friends and my country. The white people
were surprized to see me with the Indians, enduring
the hardships of a savage life, at so early an age,
and with so delicate a constitution as I appeared to
possess. They asked me my name; where and
when I was taken — and appeared very much inter-
ested on my behalf. They were continuing their
inquiries, when my sisters became alarmed, believ-
ing that I should be taken from them, hurried me
into their canoe and recrossed the river — took their
bread out of the fire and fled with me, without
stopping, till they arrived at the river Shenanjee.
So great was their fear of losing me, or of my being
given up in the treaty, that they never once stopped
rowing till they got home.
Shortly after we left the shore opposite the fort,
as I was informed by one of rrfy Indian brothers,
the white people came over to take me back; but
after considerable inquiry, and having made dili-
gent search to find where I was hid, they returned
with heavy hearts. Although I had then been
* History is silent as to any treaty having been made be-
tween the English, and French and Indians, at that time;
though it is possible that a truce was agreed upon, and that
the parties met for the purpose of concluding a treaty of
peace.49
MARY JEMISON. 43
with the Indians something over a year, and had
become considerably habituated to their mode of
living, and attached to my sisters, the sight of white
people who could speak English inspired me with
an unspeakable anxiety to go home with them, and
share in the blessings of civilization. My sudden
departure and escape from them, seemed like a
second captivity, and for a long time I brooded the
thoughts of my miserable situation with almost as
much sorrow and dejection as I had done those of
my first sufferings. Time, the destroyer of every
affection, wore away my unpleasant feelings, and I
became as contented as before.
We tended our cornfields through the summer;
and after we had harvested the crop, we again went
down the river to the hunting ground on the Sciota,
where we spent the winter,50 as we had done the
winter before.
Early in the spring we sailed up the Ohio river,
to a place that the Indians called Wiishto,* where
one river emptied into the Ohio on one side, and
another on the other. At that place the Indians
built a town, and we planted corn.
We lived three summers at Wiishto, and spent
each winter on the Sciota.
The first summer of our living at Wiishto, a
party of Delaware Indians came up the river, took
up their residence, and lived in common with us.
They brought five white prisoners with them, who
by their conversation, made my situation much
* Wiishto I suppose was situated near the mouth of
Indian Guyundat, 327 miles below Pittsburgh, and 73 above
Big Sciota; or at the mouth of Swan creek, 307 miles below
Pittsburgh.61
44 LIFE OF
more agreeable, as they could all speak English.
I have forgotten the names of all of them except
one, which was Priscilla Ramsay. She was a very
handsome, good natured girl, and was married soon
after she came to Wiishto to Capt. Little Billy's
uncle,52 who went with her on a visit to her friends
in the states.63 Having tarried with them as long as
she wished to, she returned with her husband to
Can-a-ah-tua, where he died. She, after his death,
married a white man by the name of Nettles, and
now lives with him (if she is living) on Grand Riv-
er, Upper Canada.
Not long after the Delawares came to live with
us, at Wiishto, my sisters told me that I must go
and live with one of them,54 whose name was She-
nin-jee. Not daring to cross them, or disobey their
commands, with a great degree of reluctance I
went; and Sheninjee and I were married 55 according
to Indian custom.56* 57
Sheninjee was a noble man; large in stature;
elegant in his appearance; generous in his conduct;
courageous in war; a friend to peace, and a great
lover of justice. He supported a degree of dignity
far above his rank, and merited and received the
confidence and friendship of all the tribes with
whom he was acquainted. Yet, Sheninjee was an
Indian. The idea of spending my days with him,
at first seemed perfectly irreconcilable to my feel-
ings: but his good nature, generosity, tenderness,
and friendship towards me, soon gained my affec-
tion; and, strange as it may seem, I loved him! —
To me he was ever kind in sickness, and always
treated me with gentleness; in fact, he was an
agreeable husband, and a comfortable companion.
MARY JEMISON. 45
f We lived happily together till the time of our final
separation, which happened two or three years after
our marriage, as I shall presently relate.
In the second summer of my living at Wiishto,
I had a child 58 at the time that the kernels of corn
first appeared on the cob. When I was taken sick,
Sheninjee was absent, and I was sent to a small
shed, on the bank of the river, which was made of
boughs, where I was obliged to stay till my husband
returned. My two sisters, who were my only com-
panions, attended me, and on the second day of
my confinement my child was born; but it lived
only two days. It was a girl: and notwithstanding
the shortness of the time that I possessed it, it was
a great grief to me to lose it.
After the birth of my child, I was very sick, but
was not allowed to go into the house for two weeks;59
when, to my great joy, Sheninjee returned, and I
was taken in and as comfortably provided for as
our situation would admit of. My disease contin-
ued to increase for a number of days; and I became
so far reduced that my recovery was despaired of
by my friends, and I concluded that my troubles
would soon be finished. At length, however, my
complaint took a favorable turn, and by the time
that the corn was ri'pe I was able to get about. I
continued to gain my health, and in the fall was
able to go to our winter quarters, on the Sciota,
with the Indians.60
From that time, nothing remarkable occurred to
me till the fourth winter of my captivity, when I
had a son born, while I was at Sciota: I had a
quick recovery, and my child was healthy. To
commemorate the name of my much lamented
father, I called my son Thomas Jemison.
46 LIFE OF
CHAPTER iV.
She leaves Wiishto for Fort Pitt, in company with her
Husband. — Her feelings on setting out. — Contrast
between the labor of the white and Indian Women. —
Deficiency of Arts amongst the Indians. — Their for-
mer Happiness. — Baneful effects of Civilization,
and the introduction of ardent Spirits amongst them,
&c. — Journey up the River. — Murder of three Trad-
ers by the Shawnees. — Her Husband stops at a
Trading House. — Wantonness of the Shawnees. —
Moves up the Sandusky. — Meets her Brother from
Ge-nish-a-u. — Her Husband goes to Wiishto, and
she sets out for Genishau in company with her Bro-
thers.— They arrive at Sandusky.— Occurrences at
that place. — Her Journey to Genishau, and Recep-
tion by her Mother and Friends.
IN the spring, when Thomas was three or four
moons [months] old, we returned from Sciota to
Wiishto,61 and soon after set out to go to Fort Pitt,
to dispose of our fur and skins, that we had taken
in the winter, and procure some necessary articles
for the use of our family.
I had then been with the Indians four summers
and four winters, and had become so far accustom-
ed to their mode of living, habits and dispositions,
that my anxiety to get away, to be set at liberty,
and leave them, had almost subsided. With them
was my home; my family was there, and there I
had many friends to whom I was warmly attached
in consideration of the favors, affection and friend-
ship with which they had uniformly treated me, from
the time of my adoption. Our labor was not severe;
and that of one year was exactly similar, in almost
MARY JEMISON. 47
every respect, to that of the others, without that
endless variety that is to be observed in the com-
mon labor of the white people. Notwithstanding
the Indian women have all the fuel and bread to
procure, and the cooking to perform, their task is
probably not harder than that of white women,
who have those articles provided for them; and
their cares certainly are not half as numerous, nor /
as great. In the summer season, we planted, \
tended and harvested our corn, and generally had
all our children with us; but had no master to
oversee or drive us, so that we could work as leis-
urely as we pleased. We had no ploughs on the
Ohio; but performed the whole process of plant-
ing and hoeing with a small tool that resembled,
in some respects, a hoe with a very short handle.
Our cooking consisted in pounding our corn into
samp or hommany,62 boiling the hommany, making
now and then a cake and baking it in the ashes, and
in boiling or roasting our venison. As our cooking
and eating utensils consisted of a hommany block
and pestle, a small kettle, a knife or two, and a
few vessels of bark or wood, it required but little
time to keep them in order for use.
Spinning, weaving, sewing, stocking knitting,
and the like, are arts which have never been prac-
tised in the Indian tribes generally. After the re-
volutionary war, I learned to sew, so that I could
make my own clothing after a poor fashion; but
f the other domestic arts I have been wholly igno-
rant of the application of, since my captivity. In
the season of hunting, it was our business, in ad-
dition to our cooking, to bring home the game
that was taken by the Indians, dress it, and care-
/
48 LIFE OF
fully preserve the eatable meat, and prepare or
dress the skins. Our clothing was fastened together
with strings of deer skin, and tied on with the
same.
In that manner we lived, without any of those
jealousies, quarrels, and revengeful battles between
families and individuals, which have been com-
mon in the Indian tribes since the introduction of
ardent spirits amongst them.
The use of ardent spirits amongst the Indians,
and the attempts which have been made to civilize
and christianize them by the white people, has
constantly made them worse and worse; in-
creased their vices, and robbed them of many of
their virtues; and will ultimately produce their
extermination. I have seen, in a number of in-
stances, the effects of education upon some of our
Indians, who were taken when young, from
their families, and placed at school before they
had had an opportunity to contract many Indian
habits, and there kept till they arrived to manhood;
but I have never seen one of those but what wac an
Indian in every respect after he returned. Indians
must and will be Indians,63 in spite of all the means
that can be used for their cultivation in the scien-
ces and arts.
One thing only marred my happiness, while I
lived with them on the Ohio; and that was the
recollection that I had onre had tender parents,
and a home that I loved. Aside from that consid-
eration, or, if I had been taken in infancy, I
should have been contented in my situation. Not-
withstanding all that has been said against the In-
dians, in consequence of their cruelties to their
MARY JEMISON. 49
enemies — cruelties that I have witnessed, and had
abundant proof of — it is a fact that they are na-
turally kind, tender and peaceable towards their
friends, and strictly honest;64 and that those cruel-
ties have been practised, only upon their enemies,
according to their idea of justice.
At the time we left Wiishto,65 it was impossible
for me to suppress a sigh of regret on parting with
those who had truly been my friends — with those
whom I had every reason to respect. On account
of a part of our family living at Genishau, we
thought it doubtful whether we should return di-
rectly from Pittsburgh, or go from thence on a
visit to see them.
Our company consisted of my husband, my
two Indian brothers, my little son and myself.
We embarked in a canoe that was large enough to
contain ourselves and our effects, and proceeded
on our voyage up the river.
Nothing remarkable occurred to us on our way,
till we arrived at the mouth of a creek which She-
ninjee and my brothers said was the outlet of San-
dusky lake;66 where, as they said, two or three
English traders in fur and skins had kept a trading
house but a short time before, though they were
then absent. We had passed the trading house
but a short distance, when we met three white
men floating down the river,67 with the appearance
of having been recently murdered by the Indians.
We supposed them to be the bodies of the traders,
whose store we had passed the same day. Shenin-
jee being alarmed for fear of being apprehended as
one of the murderers, if he should go on, resolved
to out about immediately, and we accordingly re-
E
50 LIFE OF
turned to where the traders had lived, and there
landed.
At the trading house we found a party of Shaw-
nee Indians, who had taken a young white man
prisoner, and had just begun to torture him for the
sole purpose of gratifying their curiosity in exult-
ing at his distress. They at first made him stand
up, while they slowly pared his ears and split them
into strings; they then made a number of slight
incisions in his face; and then bound him upon
the ground, rolled him in the dirt, and rubbed it in
his wounds: some of them at the same time whip-
ping him with small rods! The poor fellow cried
for mercy and yelled most piteously.
The sight of his distress seemed too much for
me to endure: I begged of them to desist — I en-
treated them with tears to release him.68 At length
they attended to my intercessions, and set him at
liberty. He was shockingly disfigured, bled pro-
fusely, and appeared to be in great pain: but as
soon as he was liberated he made off in haste, which
was the last I saw of him.
We soon learned that the same party of Shaw-
nees had, but a few hours before, massacred the
three white traders whom we saw in the river, and
had plundered their store. We, however, were
not molested by them, and after a short stay at that
place, moved up the creek about forty miles to a
Shawnee town, which the Indians called Gaw-
gush-shaw-ga, (which being interpreted signifies a
mask or a false face.) The creek that we went
up was called Candusky.
It was now summer; and having tarried a few
days at Gawgushshawga,69 we moved on up the
MARY JEMISON. 51
creek to a place that was called Yis-kah-wa-na,70
(meaning in English open mouth.)
As I have before observed, the family to which
I belonged was part of a tribe of Seneca Indians,
who lived, at that time, at a place called Genishau,
from the name of the tribe, that was situated on a
river of the same name which is now called Genesee.
The word Genishau signifies a shining, clear or
open place. Those of us who lived on the Ohio,
had frequently received invitations from those at
Genishau,71 by one of my brothers, who usually went
and returned every season, to come and live with
them, and my two sisters 72 had been gone almost
two years.
While we were at Yiskahwana, my brother
arrived there from Genishau, and insisted so stren-
uously upon our going home (as he called it) with
him, that my two brothers concluded to go, and to
take me with them.
By this time the summer was gone, and the time
for harvesting corn had arrived. My brothers, for
fear of the rainy season setting in early, thought it
best to set out immediately that we might have
good travelling. Sheninjee consented to have me
go with my brothers; but concluded to go down
the river himself with some fur and skins which he
had on hand, spend the winter in hunting with his
friends, and come to me in the spring following.
That was accordingly agreed upon, and he set
out for Wiishto; and my three brothers and my-
self, with my little son on my back, at the same
time set out for Genishau. We came on to Upper
Sandusky,73 to an Indian town that we found deserted
by its inhabitants, in consequence of their having
52 LIFE OF
recently murdered some English traders, who re-
sided amongst them. That town was owned and
had been occupied by Delaware Indians, who, when
they left it, buried their provision in the earth, in
order to preserve it from their enemies, or to have
a supply for themselves if they should chance to
return. My brothers understood the customs of
the Indians when they were obliged to fly from
their enemies; and suspecting that their corn at
least must have been hid, made diligent search,
and at length found a large quantity of it, together
with beans, sugar and honey, so carefully buried
that it was completely dry and as good as when
they left it. As our stock of provision was scanty,
we considered ourselves extremely fortunate in
finding so seasonable a supply, with so little trouble.
Having caught two or three horses, that we found
there, and furnished ourselves with a good store of
food, we travelled on till we came to the mouth of
French Creek,74 where we hunted two days, and
from thence came on to Conowongo Creek, where
we were obliged to stay seven or ten days, in con-
sequence of our horses having left us and straying
into the woods. The horses, however, were found,
and we again prepared to resume our journey.
During our stay at that place the rain fell fast, and
had raised the creek to such a height that it was
seemingly impossible for us to cross it. A number
of times we ventured in, but were compelled to
return, barely escaping with our lives. At length
we succeeded in swimming our horses and reached
the opposite shore; though I but just escaped with
my little boy from being drowned. From Sandusky
the path that we travelled was crooked and obscure;
MARY JEMISON. 53
bat was tolerably well understood by my oldest
brother, who had travelled it a number of times,
when going to and returning from the Cherokee
wars. The fall by this time was considerably ad-
vanced, and the rains, attended with cold winds,
continued daily to increase the difficulties of trav-
elling. From Conowongo we came to a place,
called by the Indians Che-ua-shung-gau-tau,75 and
from that to U-na-waum-gwa,76 (which means an
eddy, not strong,) where the early frosts had de-
stroyed the corn so that the Indians were in danger
of starving for the want of bread. Having rested
ourselves two days at that place, we came on to
Caneadea77 and stayed one day, and then continued
our march till we arrived at Genishau.78 Genishau
at that time was a large Seneca town, thickly in-
habited, lying on Genesee 79 river, opposite what is
now called the Free Ferry, adjoining Fall-Brook,
and about south west of the present village of Gen-
eseo, the county seat for the county of Livingston,
in the state of New- York.
Those only who have travelled on foot 80 the
distance of five or six hundred miles, through an
almost pathless wilderness, can form an idea of the
fatigue and sufferings that I endured on that jour-
ney. My clothing was thin and illy calculated to
defend me from the continually drenching rains
with which I was daily completely wet, and at night
with nothing but my wet blanket to cover me, I
had to sleep on the naked ground, and generally
without a shelter, save such as nature had provided.
In addition to all that, I had to carry my child,
then about nine months old, every step of the
journey on my back,81 or in my arms, and provide
£2
54 LIFE OF
for his comfort and prevent his suffering, as far as
my poverty of means would admit. Such was the
fatigue that I sometimes felt, that I thought it im-
possible for me to go through, and I would almost
abandon the idea of even trying to proceed- My
brothers were attentive, and at length, as I have
stated, we reached our place of destination, in good
health, and without having experienced a day's
sickness from the time we left Yiskahwana.82
We were kindly received by my Indian mother
and the other members of the family, who appear-
edto make me welcome; and my two sisters, whom
I had not seen in two years, received me with every
expression of love and friendship, and that they
really felt what they expressed, I have never had
the least reason to doubt. The warmth of their
feelings, the kind reception which I met with, and
the continued favors that I received at their hands,
rivetted my affection for them so strongly that I
am constrained to believe that I loved them as I
should have loved my own sister had she lived, and
I had been brought up with her.
CHAPTER V.
Indians march to Niagara to fight the British. — Return
with two Prisoners, &c. — Sacrifice them at Fall-
Brook. — Her Indian Mother's Address to her Daugh-
ter.— Death of her Husband. — Bounty offered for the
Prisoners taken in the last war. — John Van Sice
attempts to take her to procure her Ransom. — Her
Escape. — Edict of the Chiefs. — Old King of the tribe
MARY JEMISON. 55
determines to have her given up. — Her brother threat-
ens her Life. — Her narrow Escape. — The old King
goes off. — Her brother is informed of the place of her
concealment, and conducts her home. — Marriage to
her second Husband. — Names of her Children.
WHEN we arrived at Genishau, the Indians of
that tribe were making active preparations for J
joining the French, in order to assist them in re-
taking Fort Ne-a-gaw (as Fort Niagara 83 was called
in the Seneca language) 84 from the British, who had
taken it from the French in the month preceding.
They marched off the next day after our arrival,85
painted and accoutred in all the habiliments of
Indian warfare, determined on death or victory;
and joined the army in season to assist in accom-
plishing a plan that had been previously concerted
for the destruction of a part of the British army.
The British feeling themselves secure in the pos-
session of Fort Neagaw, and unwilling that their
enemies should occupy any of the military posts in
that quarter, determined to take Fort Schlosser,
lying a few miles up the river from Neagaw, which
they expected to effect with but little loss. Ac-
cordingly a detachment of soldiers, sufficiently
numerous, as was supposed, was sent out to take it,
leaving a strong garrison in the fort, and marched
off, well prepared to effect their object. But on
their way they were surrounded by the French and
Indians, who lay in ambush to receive them, and
were driven off the bank of the river into a place
called the "Devil's Hole," together with their hor-
ses, carriages, artillery, and every thing pertaining
to the army. Not a single man escaped being
driven off, and of the whole number one only was
56 LIFE OF
fortunate enough to escape with his life.* Our
Indians were absent but a few days, and returned
in triumph, bringing with them two white prisoners,
and a number of oxen. Those were the first neat
cattle 86 that were ever brought to the Genesee flats.
The next day after their return to Genishau, was
set apart as a day of feasting and frolicing, at the
expence of the lives of their two unfortunate pris-
oners, on whom they purposed to glut their revenge,
and satisfy their love for retaliation upon their
enemies. My sister was anxious to attend the
execution, and to take me with her, to witness the
customs of the warriors, as it was one of the highest
kind of frolics ever celebrated in their tribe, and
one that was not often attended with so much pomp
and parade as it was expected that would be. I
felt a kind of anxiety to witness the scene, having
never attended an execution, and yet I felt a kind
of horrid dread that made my heart revolt, and
inclined me to step back rather than support the
idea of advancing. On the morning of the execu-
tion she made her intention of going to the frolic,
and taking me with her, known to our mother, who
in the most feeling terms remonstrated against a
step at once so rash and unbecoming the true dig-
nity of our sex:
"How, my daughter, (said she, addressing my
sister,) how can you even think of attending the
feast and seeing the unspeakable torments that
those poor unfortunate prisoners must inevitably
suffer from the hands of our warriors? How can
you stand and see them writhing in the warriors'
fire, in all the agonies of a slow, a lingering death?
; * For the particulars of that event, see Appendix, No. I.
MARY JEMISON. 57
How can you think of enduring the sound of their
groanings and prayers to the Great Spirit for sud-
den deliverance from their enemies, or from life?
And how can you think of conducting to that
melancholy spot your poor sister Dickewamis,
(meaning myself,) who has so lately been a prison-
er, who has lost her parents and brothers by the
hands of the bloody warriors, and who has felt all
the horrors of the loss of her freedom, in lonesome
captivity? Oh! how can you think of making her
bleed at the wounds which now are but partially
healed? The recollection of her former troubles
would deprive us of Dickewamis, and she would
depart to the fields of the blessed, where fighting
has ceased, and the corn needs no tending — where
hunting is easy, the forests delightful, the summers
are pleasant, and the winters are mild! — O! think
once, my daughter, how soon you may have a
brave brother made prisoner in battle, and sacrificed
to feast the ambition of the enemies of his kindred,
and leave us to mourn for the loss of a friend, a
son and a brother, whose bow brought us venison,
and supplied us with blankets! — Our task is quite
easy at home, and our business needs our attention.
With war we have nothing to do: our husbands
and brothers are proud to defend us, and their
hearts beat with ardor to meet our proud foes.
Oh! stay then, my daughter; let our warriors alone
perform on their victims their customs of war!"
This speech of our mother had the desired effect;
we_ stayed at home and attended to our domestic
concerns. The prisoners, however, were executed
by having their heads taken ofF, their bodies cut in
pieces and shockingly mangled, and then burnt to
58 LIFE OF
ashes! — They were burnt on the north side of
Fall-brook, directly opposite the town which was
on the south side, some time in the month of No-
vember, i/59.87
I spent the winter comfortably, and as agreeably
as I could have expected to, in the absence of my
kind husband. Spring at length appeared, but
Sheninjee was yet away; summer came on, but
my husband had not found me. Fearful forebod-
ings haunted my imagination; yet I felt confident
that his affection for me was so great that if he was
alive he would follow me and I should again see
him. In the course of the summer, however, I
received intelligence that soon after he left me at
Yiskahwana he was taken sick and died 88 at Wiishto.
This was a heavy and an unexpected blow. I was
now in my youthful days left a widow, with one
son, and entirely dependent on myself for his and
my support. My mother and her family gave me
all the consolation in their power, and in a few
months my grief wore off and I became contented.
In a year or two after this, according to my best
recollection of the time, the King of England
offered a bounty 89 to those who would bring in the
prisoners that had been taken in the war, to some
military post where they might be redeemed and
set at liberty.
John Van Sice, a Dutchman, who had frequently
been at our place, and was well acquainted with
every prisoner at Genishau, resolved to take me to
Niagara, that I might there receive my liberty and
he the offered bounty. I was notified of his inten-
tion; but as I was fully determined not to be re-
deemed at that time, especially with his assistance,
MARY JEMISON. 59
I carefully watched his movements in order to avoid
falling into his hands. It so happened, however,
that he saw me alone at work in a corn-field, and
thinking probably that he could secure me easily,
ran towards me in great haste. I espied him at
some distance, and well knowing the amount of his
errand, run from him with all the speed I was mis-
tress of, and never once stopped till I reached
Gardow.* He gave up the chase, and returned:
but I, fearing that he might be lying in wait for
me, stayed three days and three nights in an old
cabin at Gardow, and then went back trembling at
every step for fear of being apprehended. I got
home without difficulty; and soon after, the chiefs in
council having learned the cause of my elopement,
gave orders that I should not be taken to any mil-
itary post without my consent; and that as it was
my choice to stay, I should live amongst them
quietly and undisturbed. But, notwithstanding the
will of the chiefs, it was but a few days before the
old king of our tribe told one of my Indian brothers
that I should be redeemed, and he would take me
to Niagara himself. In reply to the old king,90 my
brother said that I should not be given up; but
that, as it was my wish, I should stay with the tribe
as long as I was pleased to. Upon this a serious
quarrel ensued between them, in which my brother
frankly told him that sooner than I should be taken
by force, he would kill me with his own hands! —
Highly enraged at the old king, my brother came
to my sister's house, where I resided, and informed
her of all that had passed respecting me; and that,
* I have given this orthography, because it corresponds
with the popular pronunciation.
60 LIFE OF
if the old king should attempt to take me, as he
firmly believed he would, he would immediately
take my life, and hazard the consequences. He
returned to the old king. As soon as I came in,
my sister told me what she had just heard, and
what she expected without doubt would befal me.
Full of pity, and anxious for my preservation, she
then directed me to take my child and go into
some high weeds at no great distance from the
house, and there hide myself and lay still till all was
silent in the house, for my brother, she said, would
return at evening and let her know the final con-
clusion of the matter, of which she promised to
inform me in the following manner: If I was to be
killed, she said she would bake a small cake and
lay it at the door, on the outside, in a place that
she then pointed out to me. When all was silent
in the house, I was to creep softly to the door,
and if the cake could not be found in the place
specified, I was to go in: but if the cake was
there, I was to take my child and go as fast as
I possibly could to a large spring on the south side
of Samp's Creek, (a place that I had often seen,)
and there wait till I should by some means hear
from her.
Alarmed for my own safety, I instantly follow-
ed her advice, and went into the weeds, where I
lay in a state of the greatest anxiety, till all was
silent in the house, when I crept to the door, and
there found, to my great distress, the little cake!
I knew my fate was fixed, unless I could keep se-
creted till the storm was over; and accordingly
crept back to the weeds, where my little Thomas
lay, took him on my back, and laid my course for
MARY JEMISON. 61
the spring as fast as my legs would carry me.
Thomas was nearly three years old, and very large
and heavy. I got to the spring early in the
morning, almost overcome with fatigue, and at the
same time fearing that I might be pursued and ta-
ken, I felt my life an almost insupportable burthen.
I sat down with my child at the spring, and he
and I made a breakfast of the little cake, and
water of the spring, which I dipped and supped
with the only implement which I possessed, my
hand.
In the morning after I fled, as was expected,
the old King came to our house in search of
me, and to take me off; but, as I was not to be
found, he gave me up, and went to Niagara
with the prisoners he had already got into his pos-
session.
As soon as the old King was fairly out of the
way, my sister told my brother where he could
find me. He immediately set out for the spring,
and found me about noon. The first sight of him
made me tremble with the fear of death; but when
he came near, so that I could discover his counte-
nance, tears of joy flowed down my cheeks, and I
felt such a kind of instant relief as no one can pos-
sibly experience, unless when under the absolute
sentence of death he receives an unlimited pardon.
We were both rejoiced at the event of the old
King's project; and after staying at the spring
through the night, set out together for home early
in the morning. When we got to a cornfield near
the town, my brother secreted me till he could
go and ascertain how my case stood; and finding
that the old King was absent, and that all was
F
62 LIFE OF
peaceable, he returned to me, and I went home
joyfully.
Not long after this, my mother went to Johns-
town, on the Mohawk river, with five prisoners,
who were redeemed by Sir William Johnson, and
set at liberty.
When my son Thomas was three or four years
old, I was married to an Indian, whose name was
Hiokatoo, commonly called Gardow, by whom I
had four daughters and two sons.56 I named my
children, principally, after my relatives, from whom
I was parted, by calling my girls Jane, Nancy, Bet-
sey and Polly, and the boys John and Jesse. Jane
died about twenty-nine years ago, in the month of
August, a little before the great Council at Big-
Tree,91 aged about fifteen years. My other daugh-
ters are yet living, and have families.
CHAPTER VI.
Peace amongst the Indians. — Celebrations. — Worship.
Exercises. — Business of the Tribes. — Former Happi-
ness of the Indians in time of peace extolled. — Their
Morals; Fidelity; Honesty; Chastity; Temperance.
Indians called to German Flats. — Treaty with Amer-
icans.— They are sent for by the British Commission-
ers, and go to Oswego. — Promises made by those
Commissioners. — Greatness of the King of England.
Reward that was paid them for joining the British.
They make a Treaty. — Bounty offered for Scalps.
Return richly dressed and equipped. — In 1776 they
kill a man at Cautega to provoke the Americans.
Prisoners taken at Cherry Valley, brought to Beard's-
MARY JEMISON. 63
Town; redeemed, &c. — Battle at Fort Stanwix. —
Indians suffer a great loss. — Mourning at Beard's
Town. — Mrs. Jemison's care of and services rendered
to Butler and Brandt.
AFTER the conclusion of the French war,92 our
tribe had nothing to trouble it till the commence-
ment of the Revolution.93 For twelve or fifteen
years the use of the implements of war was not
known, nor the war-whoop heard, save on days of
festivity, when the achievements of former times
were commemorated in a kind of mimic warfare,
in which the chiefs and warriors displayed their
prowess, and illustrated their former adroitness, by
laying the ambuscade, surprizing their enemies,
and performing many accurate manoeuvres with
the tomahawk and scalping knife; thereby pre-
serving and handing to their children, the theory
of Indian warfare. During that period they also
pertinaciously observed the religious rites of their
progenitors, by attending with the most scrupulous
exactness and a great degree of enthusiasm to the
sacrifices, at particular times, to appease the anger
of the evil deity, or to excite the commisseration
and friendship of the Great Good Spirit, whom
they adored with reverence, as the author, govern-
or, supporter and disposer of every good thing of
which they participated.
They also practised in various athletic games,
such as running, wrestling, leaping, and playing
ball, with a view that their bodies might be more
supple, or rather that they might not become ener-
vated, and that they might be enabled to make a
proper selection of Chiefs for the councils of the
nation and leaders for war.
64 LIFE OF
While the Indians were thus engaged in their
round of traditionary performances, with the addi-
tion of hunting, their women attended to agricul-
ture, their families, and a few domestic concerns of
small consequence, and attended with but little la-
bor.
No people can live more happy than the Indians
did in times of peace, before the introduction of
spirituous liquors amongst them. Their lives were
a continual round of pleasures. Their wants were
few, and easily satisfied; and their cares were only
for to-day; the bounds of their calculations for
future comfort not extending to the incalculable
uncertainties of to-morrow. If peace ever dwelt
^with men, it was in former times, in the recesses
from war, amongst what are now termed barbarians.
The moral character of the Indians was (if I may
be allowed the expression) uncontaminated. Their
fidelity was perfect, and became proverbial; they
were strictly honest; "they despised deception and
falsehood; a^f chastity^as held in high venera-
tion, and a violation of it was considered sacrilege.
They were temperate in their desires, moderate in
their passions, and candid and honorable in the
expression of their sentiments on every subject of
importance.
Thus, at peace amongst themselves, and with
the neighboring whites, though there were none at
that time very near, our Indians lived quietly and
peaceably at home, till a little before the breaking
out of the revolutionary war, when they were sent
for, together with the Chiefs and members of the
Six Nations generally, by the people of the States,
to go to the German Flats, and there hold a general
o I
» a
«« ««
< o
MARY JEMISON. 65
council, in order that the people of the states might
ascertain, in good season, who they should esteem
and treat as enemies, and who as friends, in the
great war which was then upon the point of break-
ing out between them and the King of England.
Our Indians obeyed the call, and the council94 was
holden, at which the pipe of peace was smoked,
and a treaty made, in which the Six Nations
solemnly agreed that if a war should eventually
break out, they would not take up arms on either
side; but that they would observe a strict neu-
i trality. With that the people of the states were
satisfied, as they had not asked their assistance,
nor did not wish it. The Indians returned to their
homes well pleased that they could live on neutral
ground, surrounded by the din of war, without be-
ing engaged in it.
About a year passed off, and we, as usual, were
enjoying ourselves in the employments of peacea- J
ble times, when a messenger arrived from the Brit-
ish Commissioners, requesting all the Indians of
our tribe to attend a general council which was
soon to be held at Oswego.96 The council conven-
ed, and being opened, the British Commissioners
informed the Chiefs that the object of calling a t
council of the Six Nations, was, to engage their |
assistance in subduing the rebels, the people of 1
the states, who had risen up against the good King,
their master, and were about to rob him of a great
part of his possessions and wealth, and added that
they would amply reward them for all their ser-
vices.
The Chiefs then arose, and informed the Com-
missioners of the nature and extent of the treaty
F2
66 LIFE OF
which they had entered into with the people of the
states, the year before, and that they should not
violate it by taking up the hatchet against them.
The Commissioners continued their entreaties
without success, till they addressed their avarice,
by telling our people that the people of the states
were few in number, and easily subdued; and that
on the account of their disobedience to the King,
they justly merited all the punishment that it was
possible for white men and Indians to inflict upon
them; and added, that the King was rich and I
powerful, both in money and subjects: That his/
rum was as plenty as the water in lake Ontario:
that his men were as numerous as the sands upon
the lake shore: — and that the Indians, if they f
would assist in the war, and persevere in their
friendship to the King, till it was closed, should i
never want for money or goods. Upon this the \
Chiefs concluded a treaty with the British Com-
missioners, in which they agreed to take up arms
against the rebels, and continue in the service of
his Majesty till they were subdued, in considera-
tion of certain conditions which were stipulated in
the treaty to be performed by the British govern-
ment and its agents.96
As soon as the treaty was finished, the Commis-
sioners made a present to each Indian of a suit of
clothes, a brass kettle, a gun and tomahawk, a
scalping knife, a quantity of powder and lead, a
piece of gold, and promised a bounty on every
scalp that should be brought in. Thus richly clad
and equipped, they returned home, after an ab-
sence of about two weeks, full of the fire of war,
and anxious to encounter their enemies. Many of
MARY JEMISON. 67
the kettles which the Indians received at that time
are now in use on the Genesee Flats.
Hired to commit depredations upon the whites,
who had given them no offence, they waited im-
patiently to commence their labor, till sometime
in the spring of 1776, when a convenient opportu-
nity offered for them to make an attack. At that
time, a party of our Indians were at Cau-te-ga,97
who shot a man that was looking after his horse,
for the sole purpose, as I was informed by my In-
dian brother, who was present, of commencing
hostilities.
In May following, our Indians were in their first
battle with the Americans; but at what place I am
unable to determine. While they were absent at
that time, my daughter Nancy was born.
The same year, at Cherry Valley, our Indians
took a woman and her three daughters prisoners,98
and brought them on, leaving one at Canandaigua,
one at Honeoy, one at Cattaraugus, and one (the
woman) at Little Beard's Town, where I resided.
The woman told me that she and her daughters
might have escaped, but that they expected the
British army only, and therefore made no effort.
Her husband and sons got away. Sometime hav-
ing elapsed, they were redeemed at Fort Niagara
by Col. Butler, who clothed them well, and sent
them home.
In the same expedition, Joseph Smith " was taken
prisoner at or near Cherry Valley, brought to
Genesee, and detained till after the revolutionary
war. He was then liberated, and the Indians made
him a present, in company with Horatio Jones, of
6000 acres of land lying in the present town of
Leicester, in the county of Livingston.
68 LIFE OF
One of the girls just mentioned, was married to
.a British officer at Fort Niagara, by the name of
j Johnson, who at the time she was taken, took a
' gold ring from her ringer, without any compliments
or ceremonies. When he saw her at Niagara he
recognized her features, restored the ring that he
•A had so impolitely borrowed, and courted and mar-
,': ried her.
Previous to the battle at Fort Stanwix,100the British
sent for the Indians to come and see them whip the
rebels; and, at the same time stated that they did
not wish to have them fight, but wanted to have
them just sit down, smoke their pipes, and look on.
Our Indians went, to a man; but contrary to their
expectation, instead of smoking and looking on,
they were obliged to fight for their lives, and in
the end of the battle were completely beaten, with
a great loss in killed and wounded. Our Indians
alone had thirty-six killed, and a great number
wounded. Our town exhibited a scene of real sor-
row and distress, when our warriors returned and
recounted their misfortunes, and stated the real
loss they had sustained in the engagement. The
mourning was excessive, and was expressed by the
most doleful yells, shrieks, and howlings, and by
inimitable gesticulations.
During the revolution, my house was the home
of Col's Butler and Brandt, whenever they chanced
to come into our neighborhood as they passed to
and from Fort Niagara, which was the seat of their
military operations. Many and many a night I
have pounded samp for them from sun-set till sun-
rise, and furnished them with necessary provision
and clean clothing for their journey.
MARY JEMISON. 69
CHAPTER VII.
Gen. Sullivan with a large army arrives at Canandai-
gua. — Indians' troubles. — Determine to stop their
march. — Skirmish at Connessius Lake. — Circum-
stances attending the Execution of an Oneida warrior.
Escape of an Indian Prisoner. — Lieut. Boyd and
another man taken Prisoners. — Cruelty of Boyd's
Execution. — Indians retreat to the woods. — Sullivan
comes on to Genesee Flats and destroys the property
of the Indians. — Returns. — Indians return. — Mrs.
Jemison goes to Gardow. — Her Employment there. —
Attention of an old Negro to her safety, &c. — Severe
Winter. — Sufferings of the Indians. — Destruction of
Game. — Indians' Expedition to the Mohawk. — Cap-
ture old John O'Bail, &c. — Other Prisoners taken,
&c.
FOR four or five years we sustained no loss in
the war, except in the few who had been killed in
distant battles; and our tribe, because of the re-
moteness of its situation from the enemy, felt secure
from an attack. At length, in the fall of 1779,
intelligence was received that a large and powerful
army of the rebels, under the command of General
Sullivan,101 was making rapid progress towards our (
settlement, burning and destroying the huts and j
corn-fields; killing the cattle, hogs and horses, and ,
cutting down the fruit trees belonging to the Indians j
throughout the country.
Our Indians immediately became alarmed, and
suffered every thing but death from fear that they
should be taken by surprize, and totally destroyed
at a single blow. But in order to prevent so great
a catastrophe, they sent out a few spies who were
70 LIFE OF
to keep themselves at a short distance in front of
the invading army, in order to watch its operations,
and give information of its advances and success.
Sullivan arrived at Canandaigua Lake, and had
finished his work of destruction there, and it was
ascertained that he was about to march to our flats,
when our Indians resolved to give him battle on
the way, and prevent, if possible, the distresses to
which they knew we should be subjected, if he
should succeed in reaching our town. Accordingly
they sent all their women and children into the
woods a little west of Little Beard's Town, in order
that we might make a good retreat if it should be
necessary, and then, well armed, set out to face the
conquering enemy. The place which they fixed
upon for their battle ground lay between Honeoy
Creek and the head of Connessius Lake.
At length a scouting party from Sullivan's army
arrived at the spot selected, when the Indians arose
from their ambush with all the fierceness and terror
that it was possible for them to exercise, and
directly put the party upon a retreat. Two Oneida
Indians were all the prisoners that were taken in
that skirmish. One of them was a pilot of Gen.
Sullivan, and had been very active in the war, ren-
dering to the people of the states essential services.
At the commencement of the revolution he had a
brother older than himself, who resolved to join
the British service, and endeavored by all the art
that he was capable of using to persuade his brother
to accompany him; but his arguments proved
abortive. This went to the British, and that joined
the American army. At this critical juncture they
met, one in the capacity of a conqueror, the other
MARY JEMISON. 71
in that of a prisoner; and as an Indian seldom
forgets a countenance that he has seen, they recog-
nized each other at sight. Envy and revenge
glared in the features of the conquering savage, as
he advanced to his brother (the prisoner) in all the
haughtiness of Indian pride, heightened by a sense
of power, and addressed him in the following man-
ner:
"Brother, you have merited death! The hatchet
or the war-club shall finish your career! — When I
begged of you to follow me in the fortunes of war,
you was deaf to my cries — you spurned my entrea-
ties!
"Brother! you have merited death and shall
have your deserts! When the rebels raised their
hatchets to fight their good master, you sharpened
your knife, you brightened your rifle and led on
our foes to the fields of our fathers! — You have
merited death and shall die by our hands! When
those rebels had drove us from the fields of our
fathers to seek out new homes, it was you who
could dare to step forth as their pilot, and conduct
them even to the doors of our wigwams, to butcher
our children and put us to death! No crime can be
greater! — But though you have merited death and
shall die on this spot, my hands shall not be stained
in the blood of a brother! Who will strike?"
Little Beard, who was standing by, as soon as
the speech was ended, struck the prisoner on the
head with his tomahawk, and despatched him at
once!
Little Beard then informed the other Indian
prisoner that as they were at war with the whites
only, and not with the Indians, they would spare
72 LIFE OF
his life, and after a while give him his liberty in an
honorable manner. The Oneida warrior, however,
was jealous of Little Beard's fidelity; and suspect-
ing that he should soon fall by his hands, watched
for a favorable opportunity to make his escape;
which he soon effected. Two Indians were lead-
ing him, one on each side, when he made a violent
effort, threw them upon the ground, and run for
his life towards where the main body of the Amer-
ican army was encamped. The Indians pur-
sued him without success; but in their absence
they fell in with a small detachment of Sullivan's
men, with whom they had a short but severe
skirmish, in which they killed a number of the
enemy, took Capt. or Lieut. William Boyd 102 and
one private, prisoners, and brought them to Little
Beard's Town, where they were soon after put
to death in the most shocking and cruel manner.
Little Beard, in this, as in all other scenes of cru-
elty that happened at his town, was master of cere-
monies, and principal actor. Poor Boyd was strip-
ped of his clothing, and then tied to a sapling,
where the Indians menaced his life by throwing their
tomahawks at the tree, directly over his head,
brandishing their scalping knives around him in
the most frightful manner, and accompanying their
ceremonies with terrific shouts of joy. Having
punished him sufficiently in this way, they made a
small opening in his abdomen, took out an intes-
tine, which they tied to the sapling, and then un-
bound him from the tree, and drove him round it
till he had drawn out the whole of his intestines.
He was then beheaded, his head was stuck upon a
pole, and his body left on the ground unburied.
MARY JEMISON. 73
Thus ended the life of poor William Boyd, who,
it was said, had every appearance of being an ac-
tive and enterprizing officer, of the first talents.
The other prisoner was (if I remember distinctly)
only beheaded and left near Boyd.
This tragedy being finished, our Indians again
held a short council on the expediency of giving
Sullivan battle, if he should continue to advance,
and finally came to the conclusion that they were
not strong enough to drive him, nor to prevent his
taking possession of their fields: but that if it was
possible they would escape with their own lives, \
preserve their families, and leave their possessions
to be overrun by the invading army.
The women and children were then sent on still
further towards Buffalo, to a large creek that was
called by the Indians Catawba,103 accompanied by a
part of the Indians, while the remainder secreted
themselves in the woods back of Beard's Town, to
watch the movements of the army.
At that time I had three children who went with
me on foot, one who rode on horse back, and one
whom I carried on my back.
Our corn was good that year; a part of which
we had gathered and secured for winter.
In one or two days after the skirmish at Connis-
' sius lake, Sullivan and his army arrived at Genesee \
river, where they destroyed every article of the
food kind that they could lay their hands on. A
part of our corn they burnt, and threw the remain- ^
der into the river. They burnt our houses, killed
what few cattle and horses they could find, des- x
troyed our fruit trees, and left nothing but the
6 G
74 LIFE OF
bare soil and timber. But the Indians had eloped
and were not to be found.
Having crossed and recrossed the river, and fin-
ished the work of destruction, the army marched
off to the east. Our Indians saw them move off,
but suspecting that it was Sullivan's intention to
watch our return, and then to take us by surprize,
resolved that the main body of our tribe should
hunt where we then v/ere, till Sullivan had gone so
far that there would be no danger of his returning
to molest us.
This being agreed to, we hunted continually till
the Indians concluded that there could be no risk
in our once more taking possession of our lands.
Accordingly we all returned; but what were our A
feelings when we found that there was not a mouth- J
ful of any kind of sustenance left, not even enough
to keep a child one day from perishing with hunger.
The weather by this time had become cold and
stormy; and as we were destitute of houses and
food too, I immediately resolved to take my chil- |
dren and look out for myself, without delay. With
this intention I took two of my little ones on my
back, bade the other three follow, and the same j
night arrived on the Gardow flats, where I have I
ever since resided.
At that time, two negroes, who had run away
from their masters sometime before, were the only
inhabitants of those flats. They lived in a small
cabin and had planted and raised a large field of
corn, which they had not yet harvested. As they
were in want of help to secure their crop, I hired
to them to husk corn till the whole was harvested.
I have laughed a thousand times to myself when
MARY JEMISON. 75
I have thought of the good old negro, who hired
me, who fearing that I should get taken or injured
by the Indians, stood by me constantly when I was
husking, with a loaded gun in his hand, in order to
keep off the enemy, and thereby lost as much labor
of his own as he received from me, by paying good
wages. I, however, was not displeased with his
attention; for I knew that I should need all the
corn that I could earn, even if I should husk the
whole. I husked enough for them, to gain for
myself, at every tenth string, one hundred strings
of ears, which were equal to twenty-five bushels of
shelled corn. This seasonable supply made my
family comfortable for samp and cakes through the
succeeding winter,104 which was the most severe that
I have witnessed since my remembrance. The
snow fell about five feet deep, and remained so for
a long time, and the weather was extremely cold;
so much so indeed, that almost all the game upon
which the Indians depended for subsistence, per-
ished, and reduced them almost to a state of star-
vation through that and three or four succeeding
years. When the snow melted in the spring, deer
were found dead upon the ground in vast numbers;
and other animals, of every description, perished
from the cold also, and were found dead, in multi-
tudes. Many of our people barely escaped with
their lives, and some actually died of hunger and
freezing.
But to return from this digression: Having been
completely routed at Little Beard's Town, deprived
of a house, and without the means of building one
in season, after I had finished my husking, and
having found from the short acquaintance which I
76 LIFE OF
had had with the negroes, that they were kind and
friendly, I concluded, at their request, to take up
my residence with them for a while in their cabin,
till I should be able to provide a hut for myself. I
lived more comfortable than I expected to through
the winter, and the next season made a shelter for
myself.
The negroes continued on my flats two or three
years after this, and then left them for a place that
they expected would suit them much better. But
as that land became my own in a few years, by
virtue of a deed from the Chiefs of the Six Nations,
I have lived there from that to the present time.
My flats were cleared before I saw them; and it
was the opinion of the oldest Indians that were at
Genishau, at the time that I first went there, that
all the flats on the Genesee river were improved
before any of the Indian tribes ever saw them. I
well remember that soon after I went to Little
Beard's Town, the banks of Fall-Brook were washed
off", which left a large number of human bones
uncovered. The Indians then said that those were
not the bones of Indians, because they had never
heard of any of their dead being buried there; but
that they were the bones of a race of men who a
great many moons before, cleared that land and
lived on the flats.
The next summer after Sullivan's campaign, our
Indians, highly incensed at the whites for the treat-
ment they had received, and the sufferings which
they had consequently endured, determined to
obtain some redress by dectroying their frontier
settlements. Corn Planter, otherwise called John
O'Bail, led the Indians, and an officer by the name
MARY JEMISON. 77
of Johnston commanded the British in the expedi-
tion. The force was large, and so strongly bent
upon revenge and vengeance, that seemingly no-
thing could avert its march, nor prevent its depre-
dations. After leaving Genesee they marched
directly to some of the head waters of the Susque-
hannah river, and Schoharie Creek, went down
that creek to the Mohawk river, thence up that
river to Fort Stanwix, and from thence came home.
In their route they burnt a number of places; de-
stroyed all the cattle and other property that fell in
their way; killed a number of white people, and
brought home a few prisoners.
In that expedition, when they came to Fort
Plain, on the Mohawk river, Corn Planter and a
party of his Indians took old John O'Bail,105 a white
man, and made him a prisoner. Old John O'Bail,
in his younger days had frequently passed through
the Indian settlements that lay between the Hud-
son and Fort Niagara, and in some of his excur-
sions had become enamored with a squaw, by
whom he had a son that was called Corn Planter.
Corn Planter,106 was a chief of considerable emi-
nence; and having been informed of his parentage
and of the place of his father's residence, took
the old man at this time, in order that he might
make an introduction leisurely, and become ac-
quainted with a man to whom, though a stranger,
he was satisfied that he owed his existence.
After he had taken the old man, his father, he
led him as a prisoner ten or twelve miles up the
river, and then stepped before him, faced about,
and addressed him in the following terms: —
"My name is John O'Bail, commonly called
G2
78 LIFE OF
Corn Planter. I am your son! you are my father!
You are now my prisoner, and subject to the
customs of Indian warfare: but you shall not be
harmed; you need not fear. I am a warrior!
Many are the scalps which I have taken! Many
prisoners I have tortured to death! I am your son!
I am a warrior! I was anxious to see you, and to
greet you in friendship. I went to your cabin and
took you by force! But your life shall be spared.
Indians love their friends and their kindred, and
treat them with kindness. If now you choose to
follow the fortune of your yellow son, and to live
with our people, I will cherish your old age with
plenty of venison, and you shall live easy: But if it
is your choice to return to your fields and live with
your white children, I will send a party of my
trusty young men to conduct you back in safety.
I respect you, my father; you have been friendly
to Indians, and they are your friends."
Old John chose to return. Corn Planter, as
good as his word, ordered an escort to attend him
home, which they did with the greatest care.
Amongst the prisoners that were brought to
Genesee, was William Newkirk, a man by the
name of Price, and two negroes.
Price lived a while with Little Beard, and after-
wards with Jack Berry, an Indian. When he left
Jack Berry he went to Niagara, where he now re-
sides.
Newkirk was brought to Beard's Town, and lived
with Little Beard and at Fort Niagara about one
year, and then enlisted under Butler, and went
with him on an expedition to the Monongahela.
MARY JEMISON. 79
CHAPTER VIII
Life of Ebenezer Allen, a Tory. — He comes to Gar-
clow. — His intimacy with a Nanticoke Squaw. — She
gives him a Cap. — Her Husband's jealousy. — Cruelty
to his Wife. — Hiokatoo's Mandate. — Allen supports
her. — Her Husband is received into favor. — Allen la-
bors.— Purchases Goods. — Stops the Indian War. — His
troubles with the Indians. — Marries a Squaw. — Is
taken and carried to Quebec. — Acquitted. — Goes to
Philadelphia. — Returns to Genesee with a Store of
Goods, &c. — Goes to Farming. — Moves to Allen's
Creek. — Builds Mills at Rochester. — Drowns a
Dutchman. — Marries a white Wife. — Kills an old
Man. — Gets a Concubine. — Moves to Mt. Morris. —
Marries a third Wife and gets another Concubine. —
Receives a tract of Land. — Sends his Children to
other States, &c. — Disposes of his Land. — Moves to
Grand River, where he dies. — His Cruelties.
Sometime near the close of the revolutionary I
war, a white man by the name of Ebenezer Allen, *
left his people in the state of Pennsylvania on the
account of some disaffection towards his country-
men, and came to the Genesee river, to reside with
the Indians. He tarried at Genishau a few days,
and came up to Gardow, where I then resided. —
He was, apparently, without any business that
would support him; but he soon became acquaint-
ed with my son Thomas, with whom he hunted
for a long time, and made his home with him at
my house; winter came on, and he continued his
stay.107
When Allen came to my house, I had a white
man living on my land, who had a Nanticoke
80 LIFE OF
squaw for his wife, with whom he had lived very
peaceably; for he was a moderate man commonly,
and she was a kind, eentle, cunning creature. It
so happened that he had no hay for his cattle; so
that in the winter he was obliged to drive them
every day, perhaps half a mile from his house, to
let them feed on rushes, which in those days were
so numerous as to nearly cover the ground.
Allen having frequently seen the squaw in the
fall, took the opportunity when her husband was
absent with his cows, daily to make her a visit;
and in return for his kindness she made and
gave him a red cap finished and decorated in the
highest Indian style.
The husband had for some considerable length
of time felt a degree of jealousy that Allen was
trespassing upon him with the consent of his
squaw; but when he saw Allen dressed in so fine
an Indian cap, and found that his dear Nanticoke
had presented it to him, his doubts all left him,
and he became so violently enraged that he caught
her by the hair of her head, dragged her on the
ground to my house, a distance of forty rods, and
threw her in at the door. Hiokatoo, my husband,
exasperated at the sight of so much inhumanity,
hastily took down his old tomahawk, which for
awhile had lain idle, shook it over the cuckold's
head, and bade him jogo (i. e. go off.) The en-
raged husband, well knowing that he should feel a
blow if he waited to hear the order repeated, in-
stantly retreated, and went down the river to
his cattle. We protected the poor Nanticoke wo-
man, and gave her victuals; and Allen sympathi-
zed with her in her misfortunes till spring, when
The above engraving according to Mn. Jamison'* account, is a correct view
following narrative, as relate*
FAC-SIMILE OF ENGRAVING AND ORIGINAL TITLE FROM Tf
9 capture of her Father's family, the particular! of which are given in the
lerself, previous tq her death.
FTH (1840) EDITION OF "THE LIFE OF MARY JEMISON"
MARY JEMISON. 81
her husband came to her, acknowledged his former
errors, and that he had abused her without a cause,
promised a reformation, and she received him with
every mark of a renewal of her affection. They
went home lovingly, and soon after removed to
Niagara.
The same spring, Allen commenced working
my flats, and continued to labor there till after the
peace in 1783. He then went to Philadelphia on
some business that detained him but a few days,
and returned with a horse and some dry goods,
which he carried to a place that is now called
Mount Morris, where he built or bought a small
house.
The British and Indians on the Niagara frontier,
dissatisfied with the treaty of peace, were deter-
mined, at all hazards, to continue their depreda-
tions upon the white settlements which lay between
them and Albany. They actually made ready,
and were about setting out on an expedition to that
effect, when Allen (who by this time understood
their custoniSof'war) took a belt of wampum,
which he had fraudulently procured, and carried
it as a token of peace from the Indians to the com-
mander of the nearest American military post.
The Indians were soon answered by the Amer-
ican officer that the wampum was cordially accept-
ed; and, that a continuance of peace was ardent-
ly wished for. The Indians, at this, were cha-
grined and disappointed beyond measure; but as
they held the wampum to be a sacred thing, they
dared not to go against the import of its meaning,
and immediately buried the hatchet as it respected
the people of the United States; and smoked the
82 LIFE OF
pipe of peace. They, however, resolved to pun-
ish Allen for his officiousness in meddling with
their national affairs, by presenting the sacred
wampum without their knowledge, and went about
devising means for his detection. A party was
accordingly despatched from Fort Niagara to ap-
prehend him; with orders to conduct him to that
post for trial, or for safe keeping, till such time as
his fate should be determined upon in a legal man-
ner.
The party came on; but before it arrived at
Gardow, Allen got news of its approach, and fled
for safety, leaving the horse and goods that he had
brought from Philadelphia, an easy prey to his
enemies. He had not been long absent when they
arrived at Gardow, where they made diligent
search for him till they were satisfied that they
could not find him, and then seized the effects
which he had left, and returned to Niagara. My
son Thomas, went with them, with Allen's horse,
and carried the goods.
Allen, on finding that his enemies had gone,
came back to my house, where he lived as before;
but of his return they were soon notified at Niaga-
ra, and Nettles (who married Priscilla Ramsay)
with a small party of Indians came on to take him.
He, however, by some means found that they
were near, and gave me his box of money and
trinkets to keep safely, till he called for it, and again
took to the woods.
Nettles came on determined at all events to take
him before he went back; and, in order to accom-
plish his design, he, with his Indians, hunted in the
day time and lay by at night at my house, and in
MARY JEMISON. 83
that way they practised for a number of days.
Allen watched the motion of his pursuers, and
every night after they had gone to rest, came home
and got some food, and then returned to his retreat.
It was in the fall, and the weather was cold
and rainy, so that he suffered extremely. Some
nights he sat in my chamber till nearly day-break,
while his enemies were below, and when the time
arrived I assisted him to escape unnoticed.
Nettles at length abandoned the chase — went
home, and Allen, all in tatters, came in. By run-
ning in the woods his clothing had become torn
into rags, so that he was in a suffering condition,
almost naked. Hiokatoo gave him a blanket, and
a piece of broadcloth for a pair of trowsers. Allen
made his trowsers himself, and then built a raft, on
which he went down the river to his own place at
Mount Morris.
About that time he married a squaw, whose
name was Sally.
The Niagara people finding that he was at his
own house, came and took him by surprize when
he least expected them, and carried him to Niaga-
ra. Fortunately for him, it so happened that just
as they arrived at the fort, a house took fire and
his keepers all left him to save the building, if pos-
sible. Allen had supposed his doom to be nearly
sealed; but finding himself at liberty he took to
his heels, left his escort to put out the fire, and ran
to Tonnawanta. There an Indian give him some
refreshment, and a good gun, with which he has-
tened on to Little Beard's Town, where he found
his squaw. Not daring to risk himself at that place
84 LIFE OF
for fear of being given up, he made her but a short
visit, and came immediately to Gardow.
Just as he got to the top of the hill above the
Gardow flats, he discovered a party of British sol-
diers and Indians in pursuit of him; and in fact
they were so near that he was satisfied that they
saw him, and concluded that it would be impossible
for him to escape. The love of liberty, however,
added to his natural swiftness, gave him sufficient
strength to make his escape to his former castle of
safety. His pursuers came immediately to my
house, where they expected to have found him
secreted, and under my protection. They told me
where they had seen him but a few moments before,
and that they were confident that it was within my
power to put him into their hands. As I was per-
fectly clear of having had any hand in his escape,
I told them plainly that I had not seen him since
he was taken to Niagara, and that I could give
them no information at all respecting him. Still
unsatisfied, and doubting my veracity, they advised
my Indian brother to use his influence to draw from
me the secret of his concealment, which they had
an idea that I considered of great importance, not
only to him but to myself. I persisted in my igno-
rance of his situation, and finally they left me.
Although I had not seen Allen, I knew his place
of security, and was well aware that if I told them
the place where he had formerly hid himself, they
would have no difficulty in making him a prisoner.
He came to my house in the night, and awoke
me with the greatest caution, fearing that some of
his enemies might be watching to take him at a
MARY JEMISON. 85
time when, and in a place where it would be im-
possible for him to make his escape. I got up and
assured him that he was then safe; but that his
enemies would return early in the morning and
search him out if it should be possible. Having
given him some victuals, which he received thank-
fully, I told him to go, but to return the next night
to a certain corner of the fence near my house
where he would find a quantity of meal that I would
have well prepared and deposited there for his use.
Early the next morning, Nettles and his compa-
ny came in while I was pounding the meal for
Allen, and insisted upon my giving him up. I
again told them that I did not know where he was,
and that I could not, neither would I, tell them
any thing about him. I well knew that Allen
considered his life in my hands; and although it
was my intention not to lie, I was fully determined
to keep his situation a profound secret. They
continued their labor and examined (as they sup-
posed) every crevice, gully, tree and hollow log in
the neighboring woods, and at last concluded that
he had left the country, and gave him up for lost,
and went home.
At that time Allen lay in a secret place in the
gulph a short distance above my flats, in a hole
that he accidentally found in the rock near the
river. At night he came and got the meal at the
corner of the fence as I had directed him, and
afterwards lived in the gulph two weeks. Each
night he came to the pasture and milked one of
my cows, without any other vessel in which to re-
ceive the milk than his hat, out of which he drank
it. I supplied him with meal, but fearing to build
H
86 LIFE OF
a fire he was obliged to eat it raw and wash it down
with the milk. Nettles having left our neighbor-
hood, and Allen considering himself safe, left his
little cave and came home. I gave him his box of
money and trinkets, and he went to his own house
at Mount Morris. It was generally considered by
the Indians of our tribe, that Allen was an innocent
man, and that the Niagara people were persecuting
him without a just cause. Little Beard, then about
to go to the eastward on public business, charged
his Indians not to meddle with Allen, but to let
him live amongst them peaceably, and enjoy him-
self with his family and property if he could.
Having the protection of the chief, he felt himself
safe, and let his situation be known to the whites
from whom he suspected no harm. They, how-
ever, were more inimical than our Indians and were
easily bribed by Nettles to assist in bringing him to
justice. Nettles came on, and the whites, as they
had agreed, gave poor Allen up to him. He was
bound and carried to Niagara, where he was con-
fined in prison through the winter. In the spring
he was taken to Montreal or Quebec for trial, and
was honorably acquitted. The crime for which he
was tried was, for his having carried the wampum
to the Americans, and thereby putting too sudden
a stop to their war.
From the place of his trial he went directly to
Philadelphia, and purchased on credit, a boat load
of goods which he brought by water to Conhocton,
where he left them and came to Mount Morris for
assistance to get them brought on. The Indians
readily went with horses and brought them to his
house, where he disposed of his dry goods; but not
MARY JEMISON. 87
daring to let the Indians begin to drink strong
liquor, for fear of the quarrels which would natur-
ally follow, he sent his spirits to my place and we
sold them. For his goods he received ginseng
roots, principally, and a few skins. Ginseng at
that time was plenty, and commanded a high price.
We prepared the whole that he received for the
market, expecting that he would carry them to
Philadelphia. In that I was disappointed; for
when he had disposed of, and got pay for all his
goods, he took the ginseng and skins to Niagara,
and there sold them and came home.
Tired of dealing in goods, he planted a large
field of corn on or near his own land, attended to
it faithfully, and succeeded in raising a large crop,
which he harvested, loaded into canoes and carried
down the river to the mouth of Allen's Creek, then
called by the Indian Gin-is-a-ga, where he unload-
ed it, built him a house, and lived with his family.
The next season he planted corn at that place
and built a grist and saw mill 108 on Genesee Falls,
now called Rochester.
At the time Allen built the mills, he had an old
German living with him by the name of Andrews,
whom he sent in a canoe down the river with his
mill irons. Allen went down at the same time;
but before they got to the mills Allen threw the
old man overboard and drowned him, as it was
then generally believed, for he was never seen or
heard of afterwards.
In the course of the season in which Allen built
his mills, he became acquainted with the daughter
of a white man, who was moving to Niagara. She
was handsome, and Allen soon got into her good
88 LIFE OF
graces, so that he married and took her home, to
be a joint partner with Sally, the squaw, whom she
had never heard of till she got home and found her
in full possession; but it was too late for her to
retrace the hasty steps she had taken, for her father
had left her in the care of a tender husband and
gone on. She, however, found that she enjoyed
at least an equal half of her husband's affections,
and made herself contented. Her father's name
I have forgotten, but her's was Lucy.
Allen was not contented with two wives, for in a
short time after he had married Lucy he came up
to my house, where he found a young woman who
had an old husband with her. They had been on
a long journey, and called at my place to recruit
and rest themselves. She filled Allen's eye, and
he accordingly fixed upon a plan tp ..get her into
his possession. He praised his situation, enum-
: erated his advantages, and finally persuaded them
to go home and tarry with him a few days at least,
and partake of a part of his comforts. They ac-
cepted his generous invitation and went home with
him. But they had been there but two or three
days when Allen took the old gentleman out to
view his flats; and as they were deliberately walk-
\ ing on the bank of the river, pushed~him into the
water. The old man, almost strangled, succeeded
in getting out; but his fall and exertions had so
powerful an effect upon his system that he died in
two or three days, and left his young widow to the
protection of his murderer. She lived with him
about one year in a state of concubinage and then
left him.
How long Allen lived at Allen's Creek I am
MARY JEMISON. 89
unable to state; but soon after the young widow
left him, he removed to his old place at Mount
Morris, and built a house, where he made Sally,
his squaw, by whom he had two daughters, a slave
to^I<ucy, by whom he had had one son; still, how-
ever, he considered Sally to be his wife.
After Allen came to Mt. Morris at that time, he
married a girl by the name of Morilla Gregory, 109
whose father at the time lived on Genesee Flats.
The ceremony being over, he took her home to
live in common with his other wives; but his house
was too small for his family; for Sally and Lucy,
conceiving that their lawful privileges would be
abridged if they received a partner, united their
strength and whipped poor Morilla so cruelly that
he was obliged to keep her in a small Indian house
a short distance from his own, or lose her entirely.
Morilla, before she left Mt. Morris, had four chil-
dren.
One of Morilla's sisters lived with Allen about a
year after Morilla was married, and then quit him.
A short time after they all got to living at Mt.
Morris, Allen prevailed upon the Chiefs to give to
his Indian children, a tract of land four miles
square,110 where he then resided. The Chiefs gave
them the land, but he so artfully contrived the
conveyance, that he could apply it to his own use,
and by alienating his right, destroy the claim of\
his children.
Having secured the land, in that way, to himself,
he sent his two Indian girls to Trenton, (N. J.)
and his white son to Philadelphia, for the purpose
of giving each of them a respectable English edu-
cation.
7 Hz
90 LIFE OF
While his children were at school, he went to
Philadelphia, and sold his right to the land which
he had begged of the Indians for his children to
Robert Morris. After that, he sent for his daugh-
ters to come home, which they did.
Having disposed of the whole of his property
on the Genesee river, he took his two white wives
and their children, together with his effects, and
removed to a Delaware town on the river De
Trench, in Upper Canada. When he left Mt.
Morris, Sally, his squaw, insisted upon going with
him, and actually followed him, crying bitterly,
and praying for his protection some two or three
miles, till he absolutely bade her leave him, or he
would punish her with severity.
At length, finding her case hopeless, she return-
ed to the Indians.
At the great treaty at Big Tree, one of Allen's
daughters claimed the land which he had sold to
Morris. The claim was examined and decided
against her in favor of Ogden, Trumbull, Rogers
and others, who were the creditors of Robert Mor-
ris. Allen yet believed lu that his daughter had an
indisputable right to the land in question, and got
me to go with mother Farly, a half Indian woman,
to assist him by interceding with Morris for it, and
to urge the propriety of her claim. We went to
Thomas Morris, and having stated to him our bu-
siness, he told us plainly that he had no land to
give away, and that as the title was good, he nev-
er would allow Allen, nor his heirs, one foot, or
words to that effect. We returned to Allen the
answer we had received, and he, conceiving all
further attempts to be useless, went home.
MARY JEMISON. 91
He died at the Delaware town, on the river De
Trench, in the year 1814 or 15, and left two white
widows and one squaw, with a number of children,
to lament his loss.
By his last will he gave all his property to his
last wife, (Morilla,) and her children, without pro-
viding in the least for the support of Lucy, or any
of the other members of his family. Lucy, soon
after his death, went with her children down the
Ohio river, to receive assistance from her friends.
In the revolutionary war, Allen was a tory, and
by that means became acquainted with our In-
dians, when they were in the neighborhood of his
native place, desolating the settlements on the
Susquehannah. In those predatory battles, he
joined them, and (as I have often heard the In-
dians say,) for cruelty was not exceeded by any of
his Indian comrades!
At one time, when he was scouting with the In-
dians in the Susquehannah country, he entered a
house very early in the morning, where he found
a man, his wife, and one child, in bed. The man,
as he entered the door, instantly sprang on the
floor, for the purpose of defending himself and lit-
tle family; but Allen dispatched him at one blow.
He then cut off his head and threw it bleeding in-
to the bed with the terrified woman; took the lit-
tle infant from its mother's breast, and holding it
by its legs, dashed its head against the jamb, and
left the unhappy widow and mother to mourn
alone over her murdered family. It has been said
by some, that after he had killed the child, he
opened the fire and buried it under the coals and
embers: But of that I am not certain. I have of-
92 LIFE OF
ten heard him speak of that transaction with a
great degree of sorrow, and as the foulest crime he
had ever committed — one for which I have no
doubt he repented.112
CHAPTER IX.
Mrs. Jemison has liberty to go to her Friends. — Chooses
to stay. — Her Reasons, &c. — Her Indian Brother
makes provisions for her Settlement. — He goes to
Grand River and dies. — Her Love for him, &c. — She
is presented with the Gardow Reservation. — Is troub-
led by Speculators. — Description of the Soil, &c. of
her Flats. — Indian notions of the ancient Inhabitants
of this Country.
SOON after the close of the revolutionary war,
my Indian brother, Kau-jises-tau-ge-au (which be-
ing interpreted signifies Black Coals,) offered me
my liberty, and told me that if it was my choice I
might go to my friends.
My son, Thomas, was anxious that I should go;
and offered to go with me and assist me on the
journey, by taking care of the younger children,
and providing food as we travelled through the wil-
derness. But the Chiefs of our tribe, suspecting
from his appearance, actions, and a few warlike
exploits, that Thomas would be a great warrior, or
a good counsellor, refused to let him leave them
on any account whatever.
To go myself, and leave him, was more than I
felt able to do; for he had been kind to me, and
was one on whom I placed great dependence, The
MARY JEMISON. 93
Chiefs refusing to let him go, was one reason for
my resolving to stay; but another, more powerful,
if possible, was, that I had got a large family of
Indian children, that I must take with me; and
that if I should be so fortunate as to find my rela-
tives, they would despise them, if not myself; and ^
treat us as enemies; or, at least with a de-
gree of cold indifference, which I thought I /
could not endure.
Accordingly, after I had duly considered the
matter, I told my brother that it was my choice to
stay and spend the remainder of my days with my
Indian friends, and live with my family as I had
heretofore done. He appeared well pleased with
my resolution, and informed me, that as that was
my choice, I should have a piece of land that I
could call my own, where I could live unmolested,
and have something at my decease to leave for
the benefit of my children.
In a short time he made himself ready to go to
Upper Canada; but before he left us, he told me
that he would speak to some of the Chiefs at Buf-
falo, to attend the great Council, which he expect-
ed would convene in a few years at farthest, and
convey to me such a tract of land as I should se-
lect. My brother left us, as he had proposed, and
soon after died at Grand River.
Kaujisestaugeau, was an excellent man, and ev-
er treated me with kindness. Perhaps no one of
his tribe at any time exceeded him in natural mild-
ness of temper, and warmth and tenderness of af-
fection. If he had taken my life at the time when
the avarice of the old King inclined him to procure
my emancipation, it would have been done with a
94 LIFE OF
pure heart and from good motives. He loved his
friends; and was generally beloved. During the
time that I lived in the family with him, he never
offered the most trifling abuse; on the contrary, his
whole conduct towards me was strictly honorable.
I mourned his loss as that of a tender brother, and
shall recollect him through life with emotions of
friendship and gratitude.
I lived undisturbed, without hearing a word on
the subject of my land, till the great Council was
held at Big Tree, in 1797, when Farmer's Broth-
er, whose Indian name is Ho-na-ye-wus, sent for
me to attend the council. When I got there, he
told me that my brother had spoken to him to see
that I had a piece of land reserved for my use;
and that then was the time for me to receive it.—
He requested that I would choose for myself and
describe the bounds of a piece that would suit me.
I accordingly told him the place of beginning, and
then went round a tract that I judged would be
sufficient for my purpose, (knowing that it would
include the Gardow Flats,) by stating certain
bounds with which I was acquainted.
When the Council was opened, and the busi-
ness afforded a proper opportunity, Farmer's
Brother presented my claim, and rehearsed the re-
quest of my brother. Red Jacket,113 whose Indian
name is Sagu-yu-what-hah,114 which interpreted, is
Keeper-awake, opposed me or my claim 115 with all
his influence and eloquence. Farmer's Brother
insisted upon the necessity, propriety and expedi-
ency of his proposition, and got the land granted.
The deed was made and signed, securing to me
the title to all the land I had described; under the
MARY JEMISON. 95
same restrictions and regulations that other Indian
lands are subject to.
That land has ever since been known by the
name of the Gardow Tract.116
Red Jacket not only opposed my claim at the
Council, but he withheld my money two or three
years, on the account of my lands having been
granted without his consent. Parrish and Jones m
at length convinced him that it was the white peo-
ple, and not the Indians who had given me the
land, and compelled him to pay over all the mon-
ey which he had retained on my account.
My land derived its name, Gardow, from a hill
that is within its limits, which is called in the Sen-
eca language Kau-tam.118 Kautam when interpreted
signifies up and down, or down and up, and is
applied to a hill that you will ascend and descend
in passing it; or to a valley. It has been said that
Gardow was the name of my husband Hiokatoo,
and that my land derived its name from him; that
however was a mistake, for the old man always
considered Gardow a nickname, and was uniformly
offended when called by it.
About three hundred acres of my land, when I
first saw it, was open flats, lying on the Genesee
River, which it is supposed was cleared by a race
of inhabitants who preceded the first Indian settle-
ments in this part of the country. The Indians
are confident that many parts of this country were
settled and for a number of years occupied by peo-
ple of whom their fathers never had any tradition,
as they never had seen them. Whence those peo-
ple originated, and whither they went, I have never
heard one of our oldest and wisest Indians pretend
96 LIFE OF
to guess. When I first came to Genishau, the bank
of Fall Brook had just slid off and exposed a large
number of human bones, which the Indians said
were buried there long before their fathers ever
saw the place; and that they did not know what
kind of people they were. It however was and is
believed by our people, that they were not Indians.
My flats were extremely fertile; but needed
more labor than my daughters and myself were
able to perform, to produce a sufficient quantity of
grain and other necessary productions of the earth,
for the consumption of our family. The land had
lain uncultivated so long that it was thickly covered
with weeds of almost every description. In order
that we might live more easy, Mr. Parrish, with the
consent of the chiefs, gave me liberty to lease or
[ let my land to white people to till on shares. I
accordingly let it out, and have continued to do so,
which makes my task less burthensome, while at
the same time I am more comfortably supplied
with the means of support.
CHAPTER X.
Happy situation of her Family. — Disagreement between
her sons Thomas and John. — Her Advice to them,
&c. — John kills Thomas. — Her Affliction. — Council.
Decision of the Chiefs, &c. — Life of Thomas. — His
Wives, Children, &c. — Cause of his Death, &c.
I HAVE frequently heard it asserted by white
people, and can truly say from my own experience,
It
Z 43
§ §
S o
o S
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>. "3
1
Z <u
II
u «
MARY JEMISON. 97
that the time at which parents take the most satis-
faction and comfort with their families is when
their children are young, incapable of providing
for their own wants, and are about the fireside,
where they can be daily observed and instructed.
Few mothers, perhaps, have had less trouble
with their children during their minority than my-
self. In general, my children were friendly to
each other, and it was very seldom that I knew
them to have the least difference or quarrel: so
far, indeed, were they from rendering themselves
or me uncomfortable, that I considered myself
happy — more so than commonly falls to the lot of
parents, especially to women.
My happiness in this respect, however, was not
without alloy; for my son Thomas, from some
cause unknown to me, from the time he was a
small lad, always called his brother John, a witch,
which was the cause, as they grew towards man-
hood, of frequent and severe quarrels between
them, and gave me much trouble and anxiety for
their safety. After Thomas and John arrived to
manhood, in addition to the former charge, John
got two wives, with whom he lived till the time of
his death. Although polygamy was tolerated in
our tribe, Thomas considered it a violation of good
and wholesome rules in society, and tending di-
rectly to destroy that friendly social intercourse
and love, that ought to be the happy result of mat-
rimony and chastity. Consequently, he frequent-
ly reprimanded John, by telling him that his
conduct was beneath the dignity, and inconsistent
with the principles of good Indians; indecent and
unbecoming a gentleman; and, as he never could
I
98 LIFE OF
reconcile himself to it, he was frequently, almost
constantly, when they were together, talking to
him on the same subject. John always resented
such reprimand, and reproof, with a great de-
gree of passion, though they never quarrelled, un-
less Thomas was intoxicated.
In his fits of drunkenness, Thomas seemed to
lose all his natural reason, and to conduct like a
wild or crazy man, without regard to relatives, de-
cency or propriety. At such times he often threat-
ened to take my life for having raised a witch, (as
he called John,) and Jias gone so far as to raise his
tomahawk to split my head. He, however, never
struck me; but on John's account he struck Hiok-
atoo, and thereby excited in John a high degree of
indignation, which was extinguished only by
blood.119
For a number of years their difficulties, and
consequent unhappiness, continued and rather in-
creased, continually exciting in my breast the most
fearful apprehensions, and greatest anxiety for
their safety. With tears in my eyes, I advised
them to become reconciled to each other, and to
be friendly; told them the consequences of their
continuing to cherish so much malignity and mal-
ice, that it would end in their destruction, the dis-
grace of their families, and bring me down to the
grave. No one can conceive of the constant
trouble that I daily endured on their account — on
the account of my two oldest sons, whom I loved
equally, and with all the feelings and affection of
a tender mother, stimulated by an anxious con-
cern for their fate. Parents, mothers especially,
will love their children, though ever so unkind and
MARY JEMISON. 99
disobedient. Their eyes of compassion, of real
sentimental affection, will be involuntarily extend-
ed after them, in their greatest excesses of iniqui-
ty; and those fine filaments of consanguinity,
which gently entwine themselves around the heart
where filial love and parental care is equal, will be
lengthened, and enlarged to cords seemingly of
sufficient strength to reach and reclaim the wan-
derer. I know that such exercises are frequently
unavailing; but, notwithstanding their ultimate
failure, it still remains true, and ever will, that the
love of a parent for a disobedient child, will in-
crease, and grow more and more ardent, so long as
a hope of its reformation is capable of stimulating
a disappointed breast.
My advice and expostulations with my sons
were abortive; and year after year their disaffec-
tion for each other increased. At length, Thom-
as came to my house on the 1st day of July, 1811,
in my absence, somewhat intoxicated, where he
found John, with whom he immediately commen-
ced a quarrel on their old subjects of difference. —
John's anger became desperate. He caught
Thomas by the hair of his head, dragged him out
at the door and there killed him, by a blow which
he gave him on the head with his tomahawk!
I returned soon after, and found my son lifeless
at the door, on the spot where he was killed! No
one can judge of my feelings on seeing this mourn-
ful spectacle; and what greatly added to my dis-
tress, was the fact that he had fallen by the mur-
derous hand of his brother! I felt my situation un-
supportable. Having passed through various
scenes of trouble of the most cruel and trying kind,
ioo LIFE OF
I had hoped to spend my few remaining days in
quietude, and to die in peace, surrounded by my
family. This fatal event, however, seemed to be
a stream of woe poured into my cup of afflictions,
filling it even to overflowing, and blasting all my
prospects.
As soon as I had recovered a little from the
shock which I felt at the sight of my departed son,
and some of my neighbors had come in to assist
in taking care of the corpse, I hired Shanks, an
Indian, to go to Buffalo, and carry the sorrowful
news of Thomas' death, to our friends at that
place, and request the Chiefs to hold a Council,
and dispose of John as they should think proper.
Shanks set out on his errand immediately, and
John, fearing that he should be apprehended and
punished for the crime he had committed, at the
same time went ofF towards Caneadea.
Thomas was decently interred in a style corres-
ponding with his rank.
The Chiefs soon assembled in council on the
trial of John, and after having seriously examined
the matter according to their laws, justified his
conduct, and acquitted him. They considered
Thomas to have been the first transgressor, and
that for the abuses which he had offered, he had
merited from John the treatment that he had re-
ceived.
John, on learning the decision of the council, re-
turned to his family.
Thomas (except when intoxicated, which was
not frequent,) was a kind and tender child, willing
to assist me in my labor, and to remove every ob-
stacle to my comfort. His natural abilities were
MARY JEMISON. 101
said to be of a superior cast, and he soared above
the trifling subjects of revenge, which are common
amongst Indians, as being far beneath his atten-
tion. In his childish and boyish days, his natural
turn was to practise in the art of war, though he
despised the cruelties that the warriors inflicted
upon their subjugated enemies. He was manly in
his deportment, courageous and active; and com-
manded respect. Though he appeared well pleas-
ed with peace, he was cunning in Indian warfare,
and succeeded to admiration in the execution of
his plans.
At the age of fourteen or fifteen years, he went
into the war with manly fortitude, armed with a
tomahawk and scalping knife; and when he re-
turned, brought one white man a prisoner, whom
he had taken with his own hands, on the west
branch of the Susquehannah river. It so happen-
ed, that as he was looking out for his enemies, he
discovered two men boiling sap in the woods. He
watched them unperceived, till dark when he ad-
vanced with a noiseless step to where they were
standing, caught one of them before they were
apprized of danger, and conducted him to the
camp. He was well treated while a prisoner, and
redeemed at the close of the war.
At the time Kaujisestaugeau gave me my liber-
ty to go to my friends, Thomas was anxious to go
with me; but as I have before observed, the Chiefs
would not suffer him to leave them on the account
of his courage and skill in war: expecting that
they should need his assistance. He was a great
Counsellor and a Chief when quite young; and in
the last capacity, went two or three times to Phila-
12
102 LIFE OF
delphia to assist in making treaties with the peo-
ple of the states.
Thomas had four wives, by whom he had eight
children. Jacob Jemison, his second son by his
last wife, who is at this time twenty-seven or twen-
ty-eight years of age, went to Dartmouth college,
in the spring of 1816, for the purpose of receiving
a good education, where it was said that he was an
industrious scholar, and made great proficiency in
the study of the different branches to which he at-
tended. Having spent two years at that Institu-
tion, he returned in the winter of 1818, and is now
at Buffalo; where I have understood that he con-
templates commencing the study of medicine, as a
profession.
Thomas, at the time he was killed, was a few
moons over fifty-two years old, and John was for-
ty-eight. As he was naturally good natured, and
possessed a friendly disposition, he would not have
/zome to so untimely an end, had it not been for
his intemperance. He fell a victim to the use of
ardent spirits — a poison that will soon exterminate
the Indian tribes in this part of the country, and
leave their names without a root or branch. The
thought is melancholy; but no arguments, no ex-
amples, however persuasive or impressive, are suffi-
cient to deter an Indian for an hour from taking
, the potent draught, which he knows at the time
f will derange his faculties, reduce him to a level
with the beasts, or deprive him of life!
MARY JEMISON. 103
CHAPTER XL
Death of Hiokatoo. — Biography. — His Birth. — Educa-
tion. — Goes against the Cherokees, &c. — Bloody
Battles, &c. — His success and cruelties in the French
War. — Battle at Fort Freeland. — Capts. Dougherty
and Boon killed. — His Cruelties in the neighborhood
of Cherry Valley, &c. — Indians remove their general
Encampment. — In 1782, Col. Crawford is sent to
destroy them, &c. — Is met by a Traitor. — Battle. —
Crawford's Men surprized. — Irregular Retreat. —
Crawford and Doct. Night taken. — Council. — Craw-
ford Condemned and Burnt. — Aggravating Circum-
stances.— Night is sentenced to be Burnt. — Is Paint-
ed by Hiokatoo. — Is conducted off, &c. — His fortu-
nate Escape. — Hiokatoo in the French War takes
Col. Canton. — His Sentence. — Is bound on a wild
Colt that runs loose three days. — Returns Alive.— Is
made to run the Gauntlet. — Gets knocked down,
&c. — Is Redeemed and sent Home. — Hiokatoo's
Enmity to the Cherokees, &c. — His Height —
Strength — Speed, &c.
IN the month of November 1811, my husband
Hiokatoo, who had been sick four years of the
consumption, died at the advanced age of one
hundred and three years, as nearly as the time
could be estimated. He was the last that remain-
ed to me of our family connection, or rather of my
old friends with whom I was adopted, except a part
of one family, which now lives at Tonewanta.120
Hiokatoo was buried decently, and had all the
insignia of a veteran warrior buried with him; con-
sisting of a war club, tomahawk and scalping knife,
io4 LIFE OF
a powder-flask, flint, a piece of spunk, a small
cake and a cup; and in his best clothing.
Hiokatoo was an old man when I first saw him;
but he was by no means enervated. During the
term of nearly fifty years that I lived with him, I
received, according to Indian customs, all the kind-
ness and attention that was my due as his wife.—
Although war was his trade from his youth till old
age and decrepitude stopt his career, he uniformly
treated me with tenderness, and never offered an
insult.
I have frequently heard him repeat the history
of his life from his childhood; and when he came
to that part which related to his actions, his bravery
and his valor in war; when he spoke of the am-
bush, the combat, the spoiling of his enemies and
the sacrifice of the victims, his nerves seemed
strung with youthful ardor, the warmth of the able
warrior seemed to animate his frame, and to produce
the heated gestures which he had practised in mid-
dle age. He was a man of tender feelings to his
friends, ready and willing to assist them in distress,
yet, as a warrior, his cruelties to his enemies per-
haps were unparalleled, and will not admit a word
of palliation.
Hiokatoo, was born in one of the tribes of the
Six Nations that inhabited the banks of the Sus-
quehannah; or, rather he belonged to a tribe of
the Senecas that made, at the time of the great
Indian treaty, a part of those nations. He was own
cousin to Farmer's Brother,, a Chief who has been
justly celebrated for his worth. Their mothers
were sisters, and it was through the influence of
Farmer's Brother, that I became Hiokatoo's wife.
MARY JEMISON. 105
In early life, Hiokatoo showed signs of thirst for
blood, by attending only to the art of war, in the
use of the tomahawk and scalping knife; and in
practising cruelties upon every thing that chanced
to fall into his hands, which was susceptible of pain.
In that way he learned to use his implements of
war effectually, and at the same time blunted all
those fine feelings and tender sympathies that are
naturally excited, by hearing or seeing, a fellow
being in distress. He could inflict the most excru-
ciating tortures upon his enemies, and prided him-
self upon his fortitude, in having performed the
most barbarous ceremonies and tortures, without
the least degree of pity or remorse. Thus qualified,
when very young he was initiated into scenes of
carnage, by being engaged in the wars that pre-
vailed amongst the Indian tribes.
In the year 1731, he was appointed a runner, to
assist in collecting an army to go against the
Cotawpes, Cherokees and other southern Indians.
A large army was collected, and after a long and
fatiguing march, met its enemies in what was then
called the "low, dark and bloody lands," near the
mouth of Red River, in what is now called the state
of Kentucky.* The Cotawpes f m and their associ-
* Those powerful armies met near the place that is now
called Clarksville, 122 which is situated at the fork where Red
River joins the Cumberland, a few miles above the line
between Kentucky and Tennessee.
f The Author acknowledges himself unacquainted, from
Indian history, with a nation of this name; but as 90 years
have elapsed since the date of this occurrence, it is highly
probable that such a nation did exist, and that it was abso-
lutely exterminated at that eventful period.
8
io6 LIFE OF
ates, had, by some means, been apprized of their
approach, and lay in ambush to take them at once,
when they should come within their reach, and
destroy the whole army. The northern Indians,
with their usual sagacity, discovered the situation
of their enemies, rushed upon the ambuscade and
massacred 1200 on the spot. The battle continued
for two days and two nights, with the utmost
severity, in which the northern Indians were victo-
rious, and so far succeeded in destroying the
Cotawpes that they at that time ceased to be a
nation. The victors suffered an immense loss in
killed; but gained the hunting ground, which was
their grand object, though the Cherokees would
not give it up in a treaty, or consent to make peace.
Bows and arrows, at that time, were in general use,
though a few guns were employed.
From that time he was engaged in a number of
battles in which Indians only were engaged, and
made fighting his business, till the commencement
of the French war. In those battles he took a
number of Indians prisoners, whom he killed by
tying them to trees and then setting small Indian
boys to shooting at them with arrows, till death
finished the misery of the sufferers; a process that
frequently took two days for its completion!
During the French war he was in every battle
that was fought on the Susquehannah and Ohio
rivers; and was so fortunate as never to have been
taken prisoner.
At Braddock's defeat he took two white prison-
ers, and burnt them alive in a fire of his own kind-
ling.
In 1777, he was in the battle at Fort Freeland,123
MARY JEMISON. 107
in Northumberland county, Penn. The fort con-
tained a great number of women and children, and
was defended only by a small garrison. The force
that went against it consisted of 100 British regu-
lars, commanded by a Col. McDonald, and 300
Indians under Hiokatoo. After a short but bloody
engagement, the fort was surrendered; the women
and children were sent under an escort to the next
fort below, and the men and boys taken off by a
party of British to the general Indian encampment.
As soon as the fort had capitulated and the firing
had ceased, Hiokatoo with the help of a few Indians
tomahawked every wounded American while earn-
estly begging with uplifted hands for quarters.
The massacre was but just finished when Capts.
Dougherty and Boon arrived with a reinforcement
to assist the garrison. On their arriving in sight
of the fort they saw that it had surrendered, and
that an Indian was holding the flag. This so much /
inflamed Capt. Dougherty that he left his command, /
stept forward and shot the Indian at the first fire.
Another took the flag, and had no sooner got it
erected than Dougherty dropt him as he had the
first. A third presumed to hold it, who was also
shot down by Dougherty. Hiokatoo, exasperated
at the sight of such bravery, sallied out with a party
of his Indians, and killed Capts. Dougherty, Boon,
and fourteen men, at the first fire. The remainder
of the two companies escaped by taking to flight,
and soon arrived at the fort which they had left
but a few hours before.
In an expedition that went out against Cherry
Valley and the neighboring settlements, Captain
David, a Mohawk Indian, was first, and Hiokatoo
io8 LIFE OF
the second in command. The force consisted of
several hundred Indians, who were determined on
mischief, and the destruction of the whites. A
continued series of wantonness and barbarity char-
acterized their career, for they plundered and burnt
every thing that came in their way, and killed a
number of persons, among whom were several in-
fants, whom Hiokatoo butchered or dashed upon
the stones with his own hands. Besides the instan-
ces which have been mentioned, he was in a num-
ber of parties during the revolutionary war, where
he ever acted a conspicuous part.
The Indians having removed the seat of their
depredations and war to the frontiers of Pennsyl-
vania, Ohio, Kentucky and the neighboring terri-
tories, assembled a large force at Upper Sandusky,
their place of general rendezvous, from whence
they went out to the various places which they
designed to sacrifice.
Tired of the desolating scenes that were so often
witnessed, and feeling a confidence that the savages
might be subdued, and an end put to their crimes,
the American government raised a regiment, con-
sisting of 300 volunteers, for the purpose of dislodg-
ing them from their cantonment and preventing
further barbarities. Col. William Crawford and
Lieut. Col. David Williamson, men who had been
thoroughly tried and approved, were commissioned
by Gen. Washington to take the command of a
service that seemed all-important to the welfare of
the country. In the month of July, 1782, well
armed and provided with a sufficient quantity of
provision, this regiment made an expeditious march
through the wilderness to Upper Sandusky, where,
MARY JEMISON. 109
as had been anticipated, they found the Indians
assembled in full force at their encampment, pre-
pared to receive an attack.
As Col. Crawford and his brave band advanced,
and when they had got within a short distance
from the town, they were met by a white man,
with a flag of truce from the Indians, who proposed
to Col. Crawford that if he would surrender him-
self and his men to the Indians, their lives should
be spared; but, that if they persisted in their un-
dertaking, and attacked the town, they should all
be massacred to a man.
Crawford, while hearing the proposition, atten-
tively surveyed its bearer, and recognized in his
features one of his former schoolmates and com-
panions, with whom he was perfectly acquainted, /
by the name of Simon Gurty. Gurty, but a short j
time before this, had been a soldier in the Ameri-
can army, in the same regiment with Crawford;
but on the account of his not having received the
promotion that he expected, he became disaffect-
ed— swore an eternal war with his countrymen, fled
to the Indians, and joined them, as a leader well
qualified to conduct them to where they could sa-
tiate their thirst for blood, upon the innocent, un-
offending and defenceless settlers.
Crawford sternly inquired of the traitor if his
name was not Simon Gurty; and being answered
in the affirmative, he informed him that he despi-
sed the offer which he had made; and that he
should not surrender his army unless he should be
compelled to do so, by a superior force.
Gurty returned, and Crawford immediately
commenced an engagement that lasted till night,
K
no LIFE OF
without the appearance of victory on either side,
when the firing ceased, and the combatants on
both sides retired to take refreshment, and to rest
through the night. Crawford encamped in the
woods near half a mile from the town, where, after
the centinels were placed, and each had taken his
ration, they slept on their arms, that they might
be instantly ready in case they should be attacked.
The stillness of death hovered over the little army,
and sleep relieved the whole, except the wakeful
centinels who vigilantly attended to their duty. —
But what was their surprise, when they found late
in the night, that they were surrounded by the In-
dians on every side, except a narrow space be-
tween them and the town? Every man was under
arms, and the officers instantly consulted each
other on the best method of escaping; for they
saw that to fight, would be useless, and that to sur-
render, would be death.
Crawford proposed to retreat through the ranks
of the enemy in an opposite direction from the
town, as being the most sure course to take. Lt.
Col. Williamson advised to march directly through
the town, where there appeared to be no Indians,
and the fires were yet burning.
There was no time or place for debates: Col.
Crawford, with sixty followers retreated on the
route that he had proposed by attempting to rush
through the enemy; but they had no sooner got
amongst the Indians than every man was killed or
taken prisoner! Amongst the prisoners, were Col.
Crawford, and Doct. Night, surgeon of the regi-
ment.
Lt. Col. Williamson, with the remainder of the
MARY JEMISON. in
regiment, together with the wounded, set out at the
same time that Crawford did, went through the
town without losing a man, and by the help of
good guides arrived at their homes in safety.
The next day after the engagement the Indians
disposed of all their prisoners to the different tribes,
except Col. Crawford and Doct. Night; but those
unfortunate men were reserved for a more cruel
destiny. A council was immediately held on San-
dusky plains, consisting of all the Chiefs and war-
riors, ranged in their customary order, in a circular
form; and Crawford and Night were brought for-
ward and seated in the centre of the circle.
The council being opened, the Chiefs began to
examine Crawford on various subjects relative to
the war. At length they enquired who conducted
the military operations of the American army on
the Ohio and Susquehannah rivers, during the
year before; and who had led that army against
them with so much skill, and so uniform success?
Crawford very honestly and without suspecting any
harm from his reply, promptly answered that he
was the man who had led his countrymen to victo-
ry, who had driven the enemy from the settlements,
and by that means had procured a great degree of
happiness to many of his fellow-citizens. Up-
on hearing this, a Chief, who had lost a son in
the year before, in a battle where Colonel Craw-
ford commanded, left his station in the council,
stepped to Crawford, blacked his face, and at the
same time told him that the next day he should
be burnt.
The council was immediately dissolved on its
hearing the sentence from the Chief, and the pris-
ii2 LIFE OF
oners were taken off the ground, and kept in cus-
tody through the night. Crawford now viewed
his fate as sealed; and despairing of ever return-
ing to his home or his country, only dreaded the
tediousness of death, as commonly inflicted by the
savages, and earnestly hoped that he might be
despatched at a single blow.
Early the next morning, the Indians assembled
at the place of execution,124 and Crawford was led
to the post — the goal of savage torture, to which
he was fastened. The post was a stick of timber
placed firmly in the ground, having an arm fram-
ed in at the top, and extending some six or eight
feet from it, like the arm of a sign post. A pile of
wood containing about two cords, lay a few feet
from the place where he stood, which he was in-
formed was to be kindled into a fire that would
burn him alive, as many had been burnt on the
same spot, who had been much less deserving than
himself.
Gurty stood and composedly looked on the
preparations that were making for the funeral of
one of his former playmates; a hero by whose side
he had fought; of a man whose valor had won lau-
rels which, if he could have returned, would have
been strewed upon his grave, by his grateful coun-
trymen. Dreading the agony that he saw he was
about to feel, Crawford used every argument which
his perilous situation could suggest to prevail upon
Gurty to ransom him at any price, and deliver him
(as it was in his power,) from the savages, and
their torments. Gurty heard his prayers, and ex-
postulations, and saw his tears with indifference,
and finally told the forsaken victim that he would
MARY JEMISON. 113
not procure him a moment's respite, nor afford him
the most trifling assistance.
The Col. was then bound, stripped naked and
tied by his wrists to the arm, which extended hor-
izontally from the post, in such a manner that his
arms were extended over his head, with his feet
just standing upon the ground. This being done,
the savages placed the wood in a circle around him
at the distance of a few feet, in order that his misery
might be protracted to the greatest length, and
then kindled it in a number of places at the same
time. The flames arose and the scorching heat
became almost insupportable. Again he prayed
to Gurty in all the anguish of his torment, to res-
cue him from the fire, or shoot him dead upon the
spot. A demoniac smile suffused the countenance
of Gurty, while he calmly replied to the dying
suppliant, that he had no pity for his sufferings;
but that he was then satisfying that spirit of re-
venge, which for a long time he had hoped to
have an opportunity to wreak upon him. Nature
now almost exhausted from the intensity of the
heat, he settled down a little, when a squaw threw
coals of fire and embers upon him, which made
him groan most piteously, while the whole camp
rung with exultation. During the execution they
manifested all the exstacy of a complete triumph.
Poor Crawford soon died and was entirely consum-
ed.125
Thus ended the life of a patriot and hero, who
had been an intimate with Gen. Washington, and
who shared in an eminent degree the confidence
of that great, good man, to whom, in the time of
revolutionary perils, the sons of legitimate freedom
K2
OF
looked with a degree of faith in his mental resour-
ces, unequalled in the history of the world.
That tragedy being ended, Doct. Night was in-
formed that on the next day he should be burnt
in the same manner that his comrade Crawford
had been, at Lower Sandusky. Hiokatoo, who
had been a leading chief in the battle with, and
in the execution of Crawford, painted Doct. Night's
face black, and then bound and gave him up to
two able bodied Indians to conduct to the place of
execution.
They set off with him immediately, and travel-
led till towards evening, when they halted to en-
camp till morning. The afternoon had been very
rainy, and the storm still continued, which render-
ed it very difficult for the Indians to kindle a fire.
Night observing the difficulty under which they la-
bored, made them to understand by signs, that if
they would unbind him, he would assist them. —
They accordingly unloosed him, and he soon suc-
ceeded in making a fire by the application of small
dry stuff which he was at considerable trouble to
procure. While the Indians were warming them-
selves, the Doct. continued to gather wood to last
through the night, and in doing this, he found a
club which he placed in a situation from whence
he could take it conveniently whenever an oppor-
tunity should present itself, in which he could use
it effectually. The Indians continued warming,
till at length the Doct. saw that they had placed
themselves in a favorable position for the execu-
tion of his design, when, stimulated by the love of
life, he cautiously took his club and at two blows
knocked them both down. Determined to finish
MARY JEMISON. 115
the work of death which he had so well begun, he
drew one of their scalping knives, with which he
beheaded and scalped them both! He then took
a rifle, tomahawk, and some ammunition, and di-
rected his course for home, where he arrived with-
out having experienced any difficulty on his jour-
ney.
The next morning, the Indians took the track
of their victim and his attendants, to go to Lower
Sandusky, and there execute the sentence which
they had pronounced upon him. But what was
their surprise and disappointment, when they ar-
rived at the place of encampment, where they
found their trusty friends scalped and decapitated,
and that their prisoner had made his escape? —
Chagrined beyond measure, they immediately sep-
arated, and went in every direction in pursuit of
their prey; but after having spent a number of
days unsuccessfully, they gave up the chase, and
returned to their encampment.*
*I have understood, (from unauthenticated sources how-
ever,) that soon after the revolutionary war, Doct. Night
published a pamphlet, containing an account of the battle
at Sandusky, and of his own sufferings.126 My information
on this subject, was derived from a different quarter.
The subject of this narrative in giving the account of
her last husband, Hiokatoo, referred us to Mr. George
Jemison, who, (as it will be noticed) lived on her land a
number of years, and who had frequently heard the old
Chief relate the story of his life; particularly that part
which related to his military career. Mr. Jemison, on be-
ing enquired of, gave the foregoing account, partly from his
own personal knowledge, and the remainder, from the ac-
count given by Hiokatoo.
Mr. Jemison was in the battle, was personally acquaint-
ed with Col. Crawford, and one that escaped with Lt. Col.
ii6 LIFE OF
In the time of the French war, in an engage-
ment that took place on the Ohio river, Hiokatoo
took a British Col. by the name of Simon Canton,
whom he carried to the Indian encampment. A
council was held, and the Col. was sentenced to
suffer death, by being tied on a wild colt, with his
face towards its tail, and then having the colt
turned loose to run where it pleased. He was ac-
cordingly tied on, and the colt let loose, agreea-
ble to the sentence. The colt run two days and
then returned with its rider yet alive. The In-
dians, thinking that he would never die in that
way, took him off, and made him run the gaunt-
let three times; but in the last race a squaw knock-
ed him down, and he was supposed to have been
dead. He, however, recovered, and was sold for
fifty dollars to a Frenchman, who sent him as a
prisoner to Detroit. On the return of the French-
man to Detroit, the Col. besought him to ransom
him, and give, or set him at liberty, with so much
warmth, and promised with so much solemnity, to
reward him as one of the best of benefactors, if he
would let him go, that the Frenchman took his
word, and sent him home to his family. The Col.
remembered his promise, and in a short time sent
his deliverer one hundred and fifty dollars, as a re-
ward for his generosity.
Since the commencement of the revolutionary
Williamson. We have no doubt of the truth of the state-
ment, and have therefore inserted the whole account, as an
addition to the historical facts which are daily coming into
a state of preservation, in relation to the American Revo-
lution.
AUTHOR.
MARY JEMISON. 117
war, Hiokatoo has been in seventeen campaigns,
four of which were in the Cherokee war. He was
so great an enemy to the Cherokees, and so fully
determined upon their subjugation, that on his
march to their country, he raised his own army
for those four campaigns, and commanded it; and
also superintended its subsistence. In one of those
campaigns, which continued two whole years with-
out intermission, he attacked his enemies on the
Mobile, drove them to the country of the Creek
Nation, where he continued to harrass them, till
being tired of war, he returned to his family. He
brought home a great number of scalps, which he
had taken from the enemy, and ever seemed to
possess an unconquerable will that the Cherokees
might be utterly destroyed. Towards the close of
his last fighting in that country, he took two squaws,
whom he sold on his way home for money to de-
fray the expense of his journey.
Hiokatoo was about six feet four or five inches
high, large boned, and rather inclined to leanness.
He was very stout and active, for a man of his size,
for it was said by himself and others, that he had
never found an Indian who could keep up with
him on __ a race, or throw him at wrestling. His
eye was quick and penetrating; and his voice was
of that harsh and powerful kind, which, amongst
Indians, always commands attention. His health
had been uniformly good. He never was confin-
ed by sickness, till he was attacked with the con-
sumption, four years before his death. And, al-
though he had, from his earliest days, been mur-
ed to almost constant fatigue, and exposure to the
inclemency of the weather, in the open air, he
ii8 LIFE OF
seemed to lose the vigor of the prime of life only
by the natural decay occasioned by old age.
CHAPTER XII.
Her Troubles Renewed. — John's Jealousy towards his
brother Jesse. — Circumstances attending the Murder
of Jesse Jemison. — Her Grief. — His Funeral. — Age
— Filial Kindness, &c.
BEING now left a widow in my old age, to mourn
the loss of a husband, who had treated me well,
and with whom I had raised five children, and hav-
ing suffered the loss of an affectionate son, I fond-
ly fostered the hope that my melancholy vicissi-
tudes had ended, and that the remainder of my
time would be characterized by nothing unpropi-
tious. My children, dutiful and kind, lived near
me, and apparently nothing obstructed our happi-
ness.
But a short time, however, elapsed after my
husband's death, before my troubles were renewed
with redoubled severity.
John's hands having been once stained in the
blood of a brother, it was not strange that after his
acquital, every person of his acquaintance should
shun him, from a fear of his repeating upon them
the same ceremony that he had practised upon
Thomas. My son Jesse, went to Mt. Morris, a
few miles from home, on business, in the winter af-
ter the death of his father; and it so happened
that his brother John was there, who requested
MARY JEMISON. 119
Jesse to come home with him. Jesse, fearing that
John would commence a quarrel with him on the
way, declined the invitation, and tarried over
night.
From that time John conceived himself despised
by Jesse, and was highly enraged at the treat-
ment which he had received. Very little was said,
however, and it all passed off, apparently, till some-
time in the month of May, 1812, at which time
Mr. Robert Whaley, who lived in the town of Cas-
tile, within four miles of me, came to my house
early on Monday morning, to hire George Chongo,
my son-in-law, and John and Jesse, to go that day
and help him slide a quantity of boards from the
top of the hill to the river, where he calculated to
build a raft of them for market.
They all concluded to go with Mr. Whaley, and
made ready as soon as possible. But before they
set out I charged them not to drink any whiskey;
for I was confident that if they did, they would
surely have a quarrel in consequence of it. They
went and worked till almost night, when a quarrel
ensued between Chongo and Jesse, in consequence
of the whiskey that they had drank through the
day, which terminated in a battle, and Chongo got
whipped.
When Jesse had got through with Chongo, he
told Mr. Whaley that he would go home, and di-
rectly went off. He, however, went but a few rods
before he stopped and lay down by the side of a
log to wait, (as was supposed,) for company. John,
as soon as Jesse was gone, went to Mr. Whaley,
with his knife in his hand, and bade him jogo;
(i. e. be gone,) at the same time telling him that
120 LIFE OF
Jesse was a bad man. Mr. Whaley, seeing that
his countenance was changed, and that he was de-
termined upon something desperate, was alarmed
for his own safety, and turned towards home, leav-
ing Chongo on the ground drunk, near to where
Jesse had lain, who by this time had got up, and
was advancing towards John. Mr. Whaley was
soon out of hearing of them; but some of his
workmen staid till it was dark. Jesse came up to
John, and said to him, you want more whiskey,
and more fighting, and after a few words went at
him, to try in the first place to get away his knife.
In this he did not succeed, and they parted. By
this time the night had come on, and it was dark.
Again they clenched and at length in their strug-
gle they both fell. John, having his knife in his
hand, came under, and in that situation gave Jesse
a fatal stab with his knife, and repeated the blows
till Jesse cried out, brother, you have killed me,
quit his hold and settled back upon the ground. —
Upon hearing this, John left him and came to
Thomas' widow's house, told them that he had
been fighting with their uncle, whom he had killed,
and showed them his knife.
Next morning as soon as it was light, Thomas'
and John's children came and told me that Jesse
was dead in the woods, and also informed me how
he came by his death. John soon followed them
and informed me himself of all that had taken place
between him and his brother, and seemed to be
somewhat sorrowful for his conduct. You can bet-
ter imagine what my feelings were than I can de-
scribe them. My darling son, my youngest child,
MARY JEMISON. 121
him on whom I depended, was dead; and I in my
old age left destitute of a helping hand!
As soon as it was consistent for me, I got Mr.
George Jemison, (of whom I shall have occasion
to speak,) to go with his sleigh to where Jesse was,
and bring him home, a distance of 3 or 4 miles.
My daughter Polly arrived at the fatal spot first:
we got there soon after her; though I went the
whole distance on foot. By this time, Chongo,
(who was left on the ground drunk the night be-
fore,) had become sober and sensible of the great
misfortune which had happened to our family.
I was overcome with grief at the sight of my
murdered son, and so far lost the command of my-
self as to be almost frantic; and those who were
present were obliged to hold me from going near
him.
On examining the body it was found that it had
received eighteen wounds so deep and large that it
was believed that either of them would have pro-
ved mortal. The corpse was carried to my house,
and kept till the Thursday following, when it was
buried after the manner of burying white people.
Jesse was twenty-seven or eight years old when
he was killed. His temper had been uniformly
very mild and friendly; and he was inclined to
copy after the white people; both in his manners
and dress. Although he was naturally temperate,
he occasionally became intoxicated; but never was
quarrelsome or mischievous. With the white peo-
ple he was intimate, and learned from them their
habits of industry, which he was fond of practising,
especially when my comfort demanded his labor.
As I have observed, it is the custom amongst the
122 LIFE OF
Indians, for the women to perform all the labor in,
and out of doors, and I had the whole to do, with
the help of my daughters, till Jesse arrived to a
sufficient age to assist us. He was disposed to la-
bor in the cornfield, to chop my wood, milk my
cows, and attend to any kind of business that would
make my task the lighter. On the account of his
having been my youngest child, and so willing to
help me, I am sensible that I loved him better than
I did either of my other children. After he be-
gan to understand my situation, and the means of
rendering it more easy, I never wanted for any
thing that was in his power to bestow; but since
his death, as I have had all my labor to perform
alone, I have constantly seen hard times.
Jesse shunned the company of his brothers, and
the Indians generally, and never attended their
frolics; and it was supposed that this, together
with my partiality for him, were the causes which
excited in John so great a degree of envy, that
nothing short of death would satisfy it.127
CHAPTER XIII.
Mrs. Jemison is informed that she has a Cousin in the
Neighborhood, by the name of George Jemison. —
His Poverty. — Her Kindness. — His Ingratitude. —
Her Trouble from Land Speculation. — Her Cousin
moves off.
A year or two before the death of my husband,
Capt. H. Jones sent me word, that a cousin of mine
MARY JEMISON. 123
was then living in Leicester,128 (a few miles from
Gardow,) by the name of George Jemison, and as
he was very poor, thought it advisable for me to go
and see him, and take him home to live with me
on my land. My Indian friends were pleased to
hear that one of my relatives was so near, and al-
so advised me to send for him and his family im-
mediately. I accordingly had him and his family
moved into one of my houses, in the month of
March, 1 8 10.
He said that he was my father's brother's son —
that his father did not leave Europe, till after the
French war in America, and that when he did
come over, he settled in Pennsylvania, where he
died. George had no personal knowledge of my
father; but from information, was confident that
the relationship which he claimed between himself
and me, actually existed. Although I had never
before heard of my father having had but one
brother, (him who was killed at Fort Necessity,) yet
I knew that he might have had others, and, as the
story of George carried with it a probability that
it was true, I received him as a kinsman, and treat-
ed him with every degree of friendship which his
situation demanded.*
I found that he was destitute of the means of
subsistence, and in debt to the amount of seventy
dollars, without the ability to pay one cent. He
had no cow, and finally, was completely poor. I
*Mrs. Jemison is now confident that George Jemison is
not her cousin, and thinks that he claimed the relationship,
only to gain assistance: But the old gentleman, who is
now living, is certain that his and her father were broth-
ers, as before stated.
i24 LIFE OF
paid his debts to the amount of seventy-two dollars,
and bought him a cow, for which I paid twenty
dollars, and a sow and pigs, that I paid eight dol-
lars for. I also paid sixteen dollars for pork that
I gave him, and furnished him with other provis-
ions and furniture; so that his family was comfort-
able. As he was destitute of a team, I furnished
him with one, and also supplied him with tools for
farming. In addition to all this, I let him have one
of Thomas* cows, for two seasons.
My only object in mentioning his poverty, and
the articles with which I supplied him, is to show
how ungrateful a person can be for favors, and
how soon a kind benefactor will, to all appearance,
be forgotten.
Thus furnished with the necessary implements
of husbandry, a good team, and as much land as
he could till, he commenced farming on my flats,
and for some time labored well. At length, how-
ever, he got an idea that if he could become the
owner of a part of my reservation, he could live
more easy, and certainly be more rich, and accor-
dingly set himself about laying a plan to obtain it,
in the easiest manner possible.
I supported Jemison and his family eight years,
and probably should have continued to have done
so to this day, had it not been for the occurrence
of the following circumstance.
When he had lived with me some six or seven
years, a friend of mine told me that as Jemison
was my cousin, and very poor, I ought to give him
a piece of land that he might have something
whereon to live, that he would call his own. My
friend and Jemison were then together at my
MARY JEMISON. 125
house, prepared to complete a bargain. I asked
how much land he wanted? Jemison said that he
should be glad to receive his old field (as he call-
ed it) containing about fourteen acres, and a new
one that contained twenty-six.
I observed to them that as I was incapable of
transacting business of that nature, I would wait
till Mr. Thomas Clute, (a neighbor on whom I
depended,) should return from Albany, before I
should do any thing about it. To this Jemison
replied that if I waited till Mr. Clute returned, he
should not get the land at all, and appeared very
anxious to have the business closed without delay.
On my part, I felt disposed to give him some land,
but knowing my ignorance of writing, feared to do
it alone, lest they might include as much land as
they pleased, without my knowledge.
They then read the deed which my friend had
prepared before he came from home, describing a
piece of land by certain bounds that were a speci-
fied number of chains and links from each other.
Not understanding the length of a chain or link, I
described the bounds of a piece of land that I in-
tended Jemison should have, which they said was
just the same that the deed contained and no
more. I told them that the deed must not include
j a lot that was called the Steele place, and they
j assured me that it did not. Upon this, putting
\ confidence in them both, I signed the deed to
George Jemison, containing, and conveying to
him as I supposed, forty acres of land. The deed
^ being completed they charged me never to men-
i tion the bargain which I had then made to any
y person; because if I did, they said it would spoil
L2
126 LIFE OF
the contract. The whole matter was afterwards
disclosed; when it was found that that deed in- i
stead of containing only forty acres, contained four
hundred, and that one half of it actually belonged
to my friend, as it had been given to him by Je-
mison as a reward for his trouble in procuring the
deed, in the fraudulent manner above mentioned. •
My friend, however, by the advice of some well j
disposed people, awhile afterwards gave up his j
claim; but Jemison held his till he sold it for a *
trifle to a gentleman in the south part of Genesee
county.
Sometime after the death of my son Thomas,
one of his sons went to Jemison to get the cow
that I had let him have two years; but Jemison i
refused to let her go, and struck the boy so violent \
a blow as to almost kill him. Jemison then run
to Jellis Clute, Esq. to procure a warrant to take
the boy; but Young King, an Indian Chief, went
down to Squawky hill to Esq. Clute's, and settled
the affair by Jemison's agreeing never to use that
club again. Having satisfactorily found out the
friendly 129 disposition of my cousin towards me, I gojt/
him off my premises as soon as possible.
CHAPTER XIV.
Another Family Affliction. — Her son John's Occupa-
tion.— He goes to Buffalo — Returns. — Great Slide by
him considered Ominous — Trouble, &c. — He goes to
Squawky Hill — Quarrels — Is murdered by two In-
dians.— His Funeral — Mourners, &c. — His Disposi-
MARY JEMISON. 127
tion. — Ominous Dream. — Black Chief's Advice, &c.
— His Widows and Family. — His Age. — His Mur-
derers flee. — Her Advice to them. — They set out to
leave their Country. — Their Uncle's Speech to them
on parting. — They return. — Jack proposes to Doctor
to kill each other. — Doctor's Speech in Reply. —
Jack's Suicide. — Doctor's Death.
TROUBLE seldom comes single. While George
Jemison was busily engaged in his pursuit of wealth
at my expence, another event of a much more se-
rious nature occurred, which added greatly to my
afflictions, and consequently destroyed, at least a
part of the happiness that I had anticipated was
laid up in the archives of Providence, to be dis-
pensed on my old age.
My son John, was a doctor, considerably cele-
brated amongst the Indians of various tribes, for
his skill in curing their diseases, by the adminis-
tration of roots and herbs, which he gathered in
the forests, and other places where they had been
planted by the hand of nature.
In the month of April, or first of May, 1817, he
was called upon to go to Buffalo, Cattaraugus and
Allegany, to cure some who were sick. He went,
and was absent about two months. When he re-
turned, he observed the Great Slide of the bank of
Genesee river, a short distance above my house,
which had taken place during his absence; and
conceiving that circumstance to be ominous of his
own death, called at his sister Nancy's, told her
that he should live but a few days, and wept bitter-
ly at the near approach of his dissolution. Nancy
endeavored to persuade him that his trouble was
imaginary, and that he ought not to be affected by
128 LIFE OF
a fancy which was visionary. Her arguments were
ineffectual, and afforded no alleviation to his men-
tal sufferings. From his sister's, he went to his
own house, where he stayed only two nights, and
then went to Squawky Hill to procure money, with
which to purchase flour for the use of his family.
While at Squawky Hill he got into the compa-
ny of two Squawky Hill Indians, whose names
were Doctor and Jack, with whom he drank free-
ly, and in the afternoon had a desperate quarrel,
in which his opponents, (as it was afterwards un-
derstood,) agreed to kill him. The quarrel ended,
and each appeared to be friendly. John bought
some spirits, of which they all drank, and then set
out for home. John and an Allegany Indian were
on horseback, and Doctor and Jack were on foot.
It was dark when they set out. They had not
proceeded far, when Doctor and Jack commenced
another quarrel with John, clenched and dragged
him off his horse, and then with a stone gave him
so severe a blow on his head, that some of his
brains were discharged from the wound. The Al-
legany Indian, fearing that his turn would come
next, fled for safety as fast as possible.
John recovered a little from the shock he had
received, and endeavored to get to an old hut that
stood near; but they caught him, and with an axe
cut his throat, and beat out his brains, so that when
he was found the contents of his skull were lying
on his arms.
Some squaws, who heard the uproar, ran to find
out the cause of it; but before they had time to
offer their assistance, the murderers drove them
into a house, and threatened to take their lives if
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MARY JEMISON. 129
they did not stay there, or if they made any
noise.
Next morning, Esq. Clute sent me word that
John was dead, and also informed me of the means
by which his life was taken. A number of people
went from Gardow to where the body lay, and
Doct. Levi Brundridge brought it up home, where
the funeral was attended after the manner of the
white people. Mr. Benjamin Luther, and Mr.
William Wiles, preached a sermon, and perform-
ed the funeral services; and myself and family
followed the corpse to the grave as mourners. I
had now buried my three sons, who had been
snatched from me by the hands of violence, when
I least expected it.
Although John had taken the life of his two
brothers, and caused me unspeakable trouble and
grief, his death made a solemn impression upon my
mind, and seemed, in addition to my former mis-
fortunes, enough to bring down my grey hairs with
sorrow to the grave. Yet, on a second thought, I
could not mourn for him as I had for my other
sons, because I knew that his death was just, and
what he had deserved for a long time, from the
hand of justice.
John's vices were so great and so aggravated,
that I have nothing to say in his favor: yet, as a
mother, I pitied him while he lived, and have ever
felt a great degree of sorrow for him, because of
his bad conduct.
From his childhood, he carried something in his
features indicative of an evil disposition, that would
result in the perpetration of enormities of some
kind; and it was the opinion and saying of Ebe-
nezer Allen, that he would be a bad man, and be
i3o LIFE OF
guilty of some crime deserving of death. There
is no doubt but what the thoughts of murder rank-
led in his breast, and disturbed his mind even in
his sleep; for he dreamed that he had killed
Thomas for a trifling offence, and thereby forfeited
his own life. Alarmed at the revelation, and fear-
ing that he might in some unguarded moment de-
stroy his brother, he went to the Black Chief, to
whom he told the dream, and expressed his fears
that the vision would be verified. Having related
the dream, .together with his feelings on the sub-
ject, he asked for the best advice that his old friend
was capable of giving, to prevent so sad an event.
The Black Chief, with his usual promptitude, told
him, that from the nature of the dream, he was
fearful that something serious would take place
between him and Thomas; and advised him by
all means to govern his temper, and avoid any
quarrel which in future he might see arising, espe-
cially if Thomas was a party. John, however, did
not keep the good counsel of the Chief; for soon
after he killed Thomas, as I have related.
John left two wives with whom he had lived at
the same time, and raised nine children. His wid-
ows are now living at Caneadea with their father,
and keep their children with, and near them. His
children are tolerably white, and have got light
colored hair. John died about the last day of
June, 1817, aged 54 years.
Doctor and Jack having finished their murder-
ous design, fled before they could be apprehend-
ed, and lay six weeks in the woods back of Canis-
teo. They then returned and sent me some wam-
pum by Chongo, (my son-in-law,) and Sun-ge-waw 13°
MARY JEMISON. 131
(that is Big Kettle) expecting that I would pardon
them, and suffer them to live as they had done
with their tribe. I however, v/ould not accept
their wampum, but returned it with a request, that,
rather than have them killed, they would run away
and keep out of danger.
On their receiving back the wampum, they took
my advice, and prepared to leave their country and
people immediately. Their relatives accompa-
nied them a short distance on their journey, and
when about to part, their old uncle, the Tall Chief,
addressed them in the following pathetic and sen-
timental speech:
"Friends, hear my voice! — When the Great
Spirit made Indians, he made them all good, and
gave them good corn-fields; good rivers, well stor-
ed with fish; good forests, filled with game and
good bows and arrows. But very soon each want-
ed more than his share, and Indians quarrelled
with Indians, and some were killed, and others
were wounded. Then the Great Spirit made a
very good word, and put it in every Indians breast,
to tell us when we have done good, or when we
have done bad; and that word has never told a
lie.
"Friends! whenever you have stole, or got
drunk, or lied, that good word has told you that
you were bad Indians, and made you afraid of
good Indians; and made you ashamed and look
down.
"Friends! your crime is greater than all those:
— you have killed an Indian in a time of peace;
and made the wind hear his groans, and the earth
drink his blood. You are bad Indians! Yes, you
i32 LIFE OF
are very bad Indians; and what can you do? If
you go into the woods to live alone, the ghost of
John Jemison will follow you, crying, blood! blood!
and will give you no peace! If you go to the land
of your nation, there that ghost will attend you, and
say to your relatives, see my murderers! If you
plant, it will blast your corn; if you hunt, it will
scare your game; and when you are asleep, its
groans, and the sight of an avenging tomahawk,
will awake you! What can you do? Deserving
of death, you cannot live here; and to fly from
your country, to leave all your relatives, and to
abandon all that you have known to be pleasant
and dear, must be keener than an arrow, more bit-
ter than gall, more terrible than death! And how
must we feel? — Your path will be muddy; the
woods will be dark; the lightnings will glance
down the trees by your side, and you will start at
every sound! peace has left you, and you must be
wretched.
"Friends, hear me, and take my advice. Re-
turn with us to your homes. Offer to the Great
Spirit your best wampum, and try to be good In-
dians! And, if those whom you have bereaved
shall claim your lives as their only satisfaction, sur-
render them cheerfully, and die like good Indians.
And — " Here Jack, highly incensed, interrupted
the old man, and bade him stop speaking or he
would take his life. Affrighted at the appearance
of so much desperation, the company hastened to-
wards home, and left Doctor and Jack to consult
their own feelings.
As soon as they were alone, Jack said to Doctor,
"I had rather die here, than leave my country
MARY JEMISON. 133
and friends! Put the muzzle of your rifle into my
mouth, and I will put the muzzle of mine into
yours, and at a given signal we will discharge them,
and rid ourselves at once of all the troubles under
which we now labor, and satisfy the claims which
justice holds against us."
Doctor heard the proposition, and after a mo-
ment's pause, made the following reply: — "I am
as sensible as you can be of the unhappy situation
in which we have placed ourselves. We are bad
Indians. We have forfeited our lives, and must
expect in some way to atone for our crime: but,
because we are bad and miserable, shall we make
ourselves worse? If we were now innocent, and in
a calm reflecting moment should kill ourselves,
that act would make us bad, and deprive us of our
share of the good hunting in the land where our
fathers have gone! What would Little Beard * say
to us on our arrival at his cabin? He would say,
'Bad Indians! Cowards! You were afraid to wait
till we wanted your help! Go (Jogo) to where
snakes will lie in your path; where the panthers
will starve you, by devouring the venison; and
where you will be naked and suffer with the cold!
Jogo, (go,) none but the brave and good Indians
live here!' I cannot think of performing an act
that will add to my wretchedness. It is hard
enough for me to suffer here, and have good hunt-
ing hereafter — worse to lose the whole."
Upon this, Jack withdrew his proposal. They
went on about two miles, and then turned about
and came home. Guilty and uneasy, they lurked
* Little Beard was a Chief who died in 1806.
M
LIFE OF
about Squawky Hill near a fortnight, and then
went to Cattaraugus, and were gone six weeks.
When they came back, Jack's wife earnestly re-
quested him to remove his family to Tonnewonta;
but he remonstrated against her project, and utter-
ly declined going. His wife and family, however,
tired of the tumult by which they were surround-
ed, packed up their effects in spite of what he
could say, and went off.
Jack deliberated a short time upon the proper
course for himself to pursue, and finally, rather
than leave his old home, he ate a large quantity
of muskrat root, and died in 10 or 12 hours. His
family being immediately notified of his death, re-
turned to attend the burial, and is yet living at
Squawky Hill.
Nothing was ever done with Doctor, who con-
tinued to live quietly at Squawky Hill till some-
time in the year 1819, when he died of Consum
tion.
CHAPTER XV.
Micah Brooks, Esq. volunteers to get the Title to her
Land confirmed to herself. — She is Naturalized. —
Great Council of Chiefs, &c. in Sept. 1823. — She
Disposes of her Reservation. — Reserves a Tract 2
miles long, and I mile wide, &c. — The Considera-
tion how Paid, &c.
In 1816, Micah Brooks, Esq. of Bloomfield, On-
tario county, was recommended to me (as it was
MARY JEMISON. 13$
said) by a Mr. Ingles, to be a man of candor, hon-
esty and integrity, who would by no means cheat
me out of a cent. Mr. Brooks soon after, came to
my house and informed me that he was disposed
to assist me in regard to my land, by procuring a
legislative act that would invest me with full power
to dispose of it for my own benefit, and give as
ample a title as could be given by any citizen of
the state. He observed that as it was then situated,
it was of but little value, because it was not in my
power to dispose of it, let my necessities be ever so
great. He then proposed to take the agency of
the business upon himself, and to get the title of
one half of my reservation vested in me personally,
upon the condition that, as a reward for his servi-
ces, I would give him the other half.
I sent for my son John, who on being consulted,
objected to my going into any bargain with Mr.
Brooks, without the advice and consent of Mr.
Thomas Clute, who then lived on my land and
near me. Mr. Clute was accordingly called on, to
whom Mr. Brooks repeated his former statement,
and added, that he would get an act passed in the
Congress of the United States, that would invest
me with all the rights and immunities of a citizen,
so far as it respected my property. Mr. Clute,
suspecting that some plan was in operation that
would deprive me of my possessions, advised me
to have nothing to say on the subject to Mr. Brooks,
till I had seen Esquire Clute, of Squawky Hill.
Soon after this Thomas Clute saw Esq. Clute, who
informed him that the petition for my naturalization
would be presented to the Legislature of this State,
instead of being sent to Congress; and that the
136 LIFE OF
object would succeed to his and my satisfaction.
Mr. Clute then observed to his brother, Esq. Clute,
that as the sale of Indian lands, which had been
reserved, belonged exclusively to the United States,
an act of the Legislature of New- York could have
no effect in securing to me a title to my reservation,
or in depriving me of my property. They finally
agreed that I should sign a petition to Congress,
praying for my naturalization, and for the confirm-
ation of the title of my land to me, my heirs, &c.
Mr. Brooks came with the petition: I signed it,
and it was witnessed by Thomas Clute, and two
others, and then returned to Mr. Brooks, who pre-
sented it to the Legislature of this state at its session
in the winter of 1816 — 17. On the I9th of April,
1817, an act was passed for my naturalization, and
ratifying and confirming the title of my land, agree-
able to the tenor of the petition, which act Mr.
Brooks presented to me on the first day of May
following.
Thomas Clute having examined the law, told
me that it would probably answer, though it was
not according to the agreement made by Mr.
Brooks, and Esq. Clute and himself, for me. I
then executed to Micah Brooks and Jellis Clute, a
deed of all my land lying east of the picket line on
the Gardow reservation, containing about 7000
acres.
It is proper in this place to observe, in relation
to Mr. Thomas Clute, that my son John, a few
months before his death, advised me to take him
for my guardian, (as I had become old and incapa-
ble of managing my property,) and to compensate
him for his trouble by giving him a lot of land on
MARY JEMISON. 137
the west side of my reservation where he should
choose it. I accordingly took my son's advice,
and Mr. Clute has ever since been faithful and
honest in all his advice and dealings with, and for,
myself and family.
In the month of August, 1817, Mr. Brooks and
Esq. Clute again came to me with a request that I
would give them a lease of the land which I had
already deeded to them, together with the other
part of my reservation, excepting and reserving
to myself only about 400x3 acres.
At this time I informed Thomas Clute of what
John had advised, and recommended me to do,
and that I had consulted my daughters on the sub-
ject, who had approved of the measure. He rea-
dily agreed to assist me; whereupon I told him
he was entitled to a lot of land, and might select as
John had mentioned. He accordingly at that time
took such a piece as he chose, and the same has
ever since been reserved for him in all the land
contracts which I have made.
On the 24th of August, 1817, I leased to Micah
Brooks and Jellis Clute, the whole of my original
reservation, except 400x3 acres, and Thomas Clute's
lot. Finding their title still incomplete, on account
of the United States government and Seneca
Chiefs not having sanctioned my acts, they solicit-
ed me to renew the contract, and have the convey-
ance made to them in such a manner as that they
should thereby be constituted sole proprietors of
the soil.
In the winter of 1822 — 3, I agreed with them,
that if they would get the chiefs of our nation,
and a United States Commissioner of Indian
10 M2
I38 LIFE OF
Lands, to meet in council at Moscow, Livingston
county, N. Y. and there concur in my agreement,
that I would sell to them all my right and title to
the Gardow reservation, with the exception of a
tract for my own benefit, two miles long, and one
mile wide, lying on the river where I should choose
it; and also reserving Thomas Clute's lot. This
arrangement was agreed upon, and the council
assembled at the place appointed, on the 3d or 4th
day of September, 1823.
That council consisted of Major Carrol, who
had been appointed by the President to dispose of
my lands, Judge Howell and N. Gorham, of Can-
andaigua, (who acted in concert with Maj. Carrol,)
Jasper Parrish, Indian Agent, Horatio Jones, In-
terpreter, and a great number of Chiefs.
The bargain was assented to unanimously, and
a deed given to H. B. Gibson, Micah Brooks and
Jellis Clute, of the whole Gardow tract, excepting
the last mentioned reservations, which was signed
by myself and upwards of twenty Chiefs.
The land which I now own, is bounded as fol-
lows:— Beginning at the center of the Great Slide*
and running west one mile, thence north two miles,
*The Great Slide of the bank of Genesee river is a curi-
osity worthy of the attention of the traveller. In the month
of May, 1817, a portion of land thickly covered with tim-
ber, situated at the upper end of the Gardow flats, on the
west side of the river, all of a sudden gave way, and with
a tremendous crash, slid into the bed of the river, which it
so completely filled, that the stream formed a new passage
on the east side of it, where it continues to run, without
overflowing the slide. This slide, as it now lies, contains
22 acres, and has a considerable share of the timber that
formerly covered it, still standing erect upon it, and growing.
MARY JEMISON. 139
thence east about one mile to Genesee river, thence
south on the west bank of Genesee river to the
place of beginning.
In consideration of the above sale, the purchas-
ers have bound themselves, their heirs, assigns, &c.
to pay to me, my heirs or successors, three hun-
dred dollars a year forever.
Whenever the land which I have reserved, shall
be sold, the income of it is to be equally divided
amongst the members of the Seneca nation, with-
out any reference to tribes or families.
CHAPTER XVI.
Conclusion. — Review of her Life. — Reflections on the
loss of Liberty. — Care she took to preserve her
Health. — Indians' abstemiousness in Drinking, after
the French War. — Care of their Lives, &c. — General
use of Spirits. — Her natural Strength. — Purchase of
her first Cow. — Means by which she has been sup-
plied with Food. — Suspicions of her having been a
Witch. — Her Constancy. — Number of Children. —
Number Living. — Their Residence. — Closing Re-
flection.
WHEN I review my life, the privations that I
have suffered, the hardships I have endured, the
vicissitudes I have passed, and the complete revo-
lution that I have experienced in my manner of
living; when I consider my reduction from a civi-
lized to a savage state, and the various steps by
which that process has been effected, and that my
life has been prolonged, and my health and reason
i4o LIFE OF
spared, it seems a miracle that I am unable to ac-
count for, and is a tragical medley that I hope will
never be repeated.
The bare loss of liberty is but a mere trifle when
compared with the circumstances that necessarily
attend, and are inseparably connected with it. It
is the recollection of what we once were, of the
friends, the home, and the pleasures that we have
left or lost; the anticipation of misery, the appear-
ance of wretchedness, the anxiety for freedom,
the hope of release, the devising of means of es-
caping, and the vigilance with which we watch our
keepers, that constitute the nauseous dregs of the
bitter cup of slavery. I am sensible, however,
that no one can pass from a state of freedom
to that of slavery, and in the last situation rest
perfectly contented; but as every one knows
that great exertions of the mind tend directly
to debilitate the body, it will appear obvious
that we ought, when confined, to exert all our
faculties to promote our present comfort, and let
future days provide their own sacrifices. In re-
gard to ourselves, just as we feel, we are.
For the preservation of my life to the present
time I am indebted to an excellent constitution,
with which I have been blessed in as great a
degree as any other person. After I arrived
to years of understanding, the care of my own
health was one of my principal studies; and
by avoiding exposures to wet and cold, by tempe-
rance in eating, abstaining from the use of spirits,
and shunning the excesses to which I was frequently
exposed, I effected my object beyond what I ex-
pected. I have never once been sick till within a
year or two, only as I have related,
MARY JEMISON. 141
Spirits and tobacco I have never used, and I have
never once attended an Indian frolic. When I
was taken prisoner, and for sometime after that,
spirits m was not known; and when it was first intro-
duced, it was in small quantities, and used only by
the Indians; so that it was a long time before the
Indian women begun to even taste it.
After the French war, for a number of years, it
was the practice of the Indians of our tribe to send
to Niagara and get two or three kegs of rum, (in
all six or eight gallons,) and hold a frolic as long
as it lasted. When the rum was brought to the
town, all the Indians collected, and before a drop
was drank, gave all their knives, tomahawks, guns,
and other instruments of war, to one Indian, whose
business it was to bury them in a private place,
keep them concealed, and remain perfectly sober
till the frolic was ended. Having thus divested
themselves, they commenced drinking, and contin-
ued their frolic till every drop was consumed. If
any of them became quarrelsome, or got to fighting,
those who were sober enough bound them upon
the ground, where they were obliged to lie till they
got sober, and then were unbound. When the
fumes of the spirits had left the company, the
sober Indian returned to each the instruments with
which they had entrusted him, and all went home
satisfied. A frolic of that kind was held but once
a year, and that at the time the Indians quit their
hunting, and come in with their deer-skins.
In those frolics the women never participated.
Soon after the revolutionary war, however, spirits
became common in our tribe, and has been used
indiscriminately by both sexes; though there are
i42 LIFE OF
not so frequent instances of intoxication amongst
the squaws as amongst the Indians.
To the introduction and use of that baneful
article, which has made such devastation in our
tribes, and threatens the extinction of our people,
(the Indians,) I can with the greatest propriety
impute the whole of my misfortune in losing my
three sons. But as I have before observed, not
even the love of life will restrain an Indian from
sipping the poison that he knows will destroy him.
The voice of nature, the rebukes of reason, the
advice of parents, the expostulations of friends, and
the numerous instances of sudden death, are all
insufficient to reclaim an Indian, who has once
experienced the exhilarating and inebriating effects
of spirits, from seeking his grave in the bottom of
his bottle!
My strength has been great for a woman of my
size, otherwise I must long ago have died under
the burdens which I was obliged to carry. I learned
to carry loads on my back, in a strap placed across
my forehead, soon after my captivity; and continue
tolcarry in the same way. Upwards of thirty years
ago, with the help of my young children, I backed
all the boards that were used about my house from
Allen's mill at the outlet of Silver Lake, a distance
of five miles. I have planted, hoed, and harvested
corn every season but one since I was taken pris-
oner. Even this present fall (1823) I have husked
my corn and backed it into the house.
The first cow that I ever owned, I bought of a
squaw sometime after the revolution. It had been
stolen from the enemy. I had owned it but a few
days when it fell into a hole, and almost died before
MARY JEMISON. 143
we could get it out. After this, the squaw wanted
to be recanted, but as I would not give up the cow,
I gave her money enough to make, when added to
the sum which I paid her at first, thirty-five dollars.
Cows were plenty on the Ohio, when I lived there,
and of good quality.
For provisions I have never suffered since I came
upon the flats; nor have I ever been in debt to
any other hands than my own for the plenty that
I have shared.
My vices, that have been suspected, have been
but few. It was believed for a long time, by some
of our people, that I was a great witch; but they
were unable to prove my guilt, and consequently I
escaped the certain doom of those who are con-
victed of that crime, which, by Indians, is consid-
ered as heinous as murder. Some of my children
had light brown hair, and tolerable fair skin, which
used to make some say that I stole them; yet as I
was ever conscious of my own constancy, I never
thought that any one really believed that I was
guilty of adultery.
I have been the mother of eight children; three
of whom are now living, and I have at this time
thirty-nine grand children, and fourteen great-
grand children, all living in the neighborhood of
Genesee River, and at Buffalo.
I live in my own house, and on my own land,
with my youngest daughter, Polly, who is married
to George Chongo, and has three children.
My daughter Nancy, who is married to Billy
Green, lives about 80 rods south of my house, and
has seven children.
My other daughter, Betsey, is married to John
LIFE OF> &c-
Green, has seven children, and resides 80 rods
north of my house.
Thus situated in the midst of my, children, I ex-
pect I shall soon leave the world, and make room
for the rising generation. I feel the weight of
years with which I am loaded, and am sensible of
my daily failure in seeing, hearing and strength;
but my only anxiety is for my family. If my family
will live happily, and I can be exempted from
trouble while I have to stay, I feel as though I
could lay down in peace a life that has been check-
ed in almost every hour, with troubles of a deeper
dye, than are commonly experienced by mortals.
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APPENDIX.
An account of the destruction of a part of the British
Army, by the Indians, at a place called the Devil's
Hole, on the Niagara River, in the year 1763.
IT is to be regretted that an event of so tragical
a nature as the following, should have escaped the
pens of American Historians, and have been suf-
fered to slide down the current of time, to the
verge of oblivion, without having been snatched al-
most from the vortex of forgetfulness, and placed on
the faithful page, as a memorial of premeditated
cruelties, which, in former times, were practised
upon the white people, by the North American
Savages.
Modern History, perhaps, cannot furnish a par-
allel so atrocious in design and execution, as the
one before us, and it may be questioned, even if
the history of ancient times, when men fought
hand to hand, and disgraced their nature by in-
venting engines of torture, can more than produce
its equal.
It will be observed in the preceding narrative,
that the affair at the Devil's Hole is said to have
happened in November, 1759. That Mrs. Jemi-
son arrived at Genesee about that time, is rendered
certain from a number of circumstances; and that
a battle was fought on the Niagara in Nov. 1759,
in which two prisoners and some oxen were taken,
N
146 APPENDIX.
and brought to Genesee, as she has stated, is alto^
gether probable. But it is equally certain that
the event which is the subject of this article, did
not take place till the year 1763. 132
In the time of the French war, the neighbor-
hood of Forts Niagara and Sclusser, (or Schlosser,
as it was formerly written,) on the Niagara river,
was a general battle-ground, and for this reason,
Mrs. Jemison's memory ought not to be charged
with treachery, for not having been able to distin-
guish accurately, after the lapse of sixty years,
between the circumstances of one engagement
and those of another. She resided on the Gene-
see at the time when the warriors of that tribe
marched off to assist in laying the ambush at the
Devil's Hole; and no one will doubt her having
heard them rehearse the story of the event of that
nefarious campaign, after they returned.
Chronology and history concur in stating that
Fort Niagara was taken from the French, by the
British, and that Gen. Prideaux was killed on the
25th of July, 1759.
Having obtained from Mrs. Jemison a kind of
introduction to the story, I concluded that if it yet
remained possible to procure a correct account of the
circumstances which led to and attended that trans-
action, it would be highly gratifying to the Ameri-
can public. I accordingly directed a letter to Mr.
Linus S. Everett, of Buffalo, whose ministerial
labor, I well knew, frequently called him to Lewis-
ton, requesting him to furnish me with a particular
account of the destruction of the British, at the
time and place before mentioned. He obligingly
complied with my request, and gave me the result
APPENDIX. 147
of his inquiries on that subject, in the following
letter: —
Copy of a letter from Mr. Linus S. Everett, dated
Fort Sclusser, 29th December, 1823.
Respected and dear friend,
I hasten, with much pleasure, to comply with
your request, in regard to the affair at the Devil's
Hole. I have often wondered that no authentic
account has ever been given of that bloody and
tragical scene.
I have made all the inquiries that appear to be
of any use, and proceed to give you the result.
At this place, (Fort Sclusser,) an old gentleman
now resides, to whom I am indebted for the best
account of the affair that can be easily obtained.
His name is Jesse Ware — his age about 74. Al-
though he was not a resident of this part of the
country at the time of the event, yet from his in-
timate acquaintance with one of the survivors, he
is able to give much information, which otherwise
could not be obtained.
The account that he gives is as follows: — In
July, 1759, the British, under Sir William John-
ston, took possession of Forts Niagara and Sclus-
ser, which had before been in the hands of the
French. At this time, the Seneca Indians, (which
were a numerous and powerful nation,) were hos-
tile to the British, and warmly allied to the French.
These two posts, (viz.) Niagara and Sclusser, were
of great importance to the British, on the account
of affording the means of communication with the
posts above, or on the upper lakes. In 1760, a
contract was made between Sir William Johnston
i48 APPENDIX.
and a Mr. Stedman, to construct a portage road
from Queenston landing to Fort Sclusser, a dis-
tance of eight miles, in order to facilitate the trans-
portation of provision, ammunition, &c. from one
place to the other. In conformity to this agree-
ment, on the 2oth of June, 1763, Stedman had
completed his road, and appeared at Queenston
Landing, (now Lewiston,) with twenty-five portage
wagons, and one hundred horses and oxen, to
transport to Fort Sclusser the king's stores.
At this time Sir William Johnston was suspicious
of the intentions of the Senecas; for after the sur-
render of the forts by the French, they had ap-
peared uneasy and hostile. In order to prevent
the teams, drivers and goods, receiving injury, he
detached 300 troops to guard them across the
portage. The teams, under this escort, started
from Queenston landing — Stedman, who had the
charge of the whole, was on horseback, and
rode between the troops and teams; all the troops
being in front. On a small hill near the Devil's
Hole, at that time, was a redoubt of twelve men,
which served as a kind of guard on ordinary occa-
sions, against the depredations of the savages.
"On the arrival of the troops and teams at the
Devil's Hole," says a manuscript in the hands of
my informant, "the sachems, chiefs and warriors
of the Seneca Indians, sallied from the adjoining
woods, by thousands, (where they had been con-
cealed for some time before, fqr that nefarious pur-
pose,) and falling upon the troops, teams and dri-
vers, and the guard of twelve men before men-
tioned, they killed all the men but three on the
spot, or by driving them, together with the teams,
APPENDIX. 149
down the precipice, which was about seventy or
eighty feet! The Indians seized Stedman's horse
by the bridle, while he was on him, designing, no
doubt, to make his sufferings more lasting than
that of his companions: but while the bloody
scene was acting, the attention of the Indian who
held the horse of Stedman being arrested, he cut
the reins of his bridle — clapped spurs to his horse,
and rode over the dead and dying, into the adja-
cent woods, without receiving injury from the ene-
my's firing. Thus he escaped; and besides him
two others — one a drummer, who fell among the
trees, was caught by his drum strap, and escaped
unhurt; the other, one who fell down the preci-
pice and broke his thigh, but crawled to the land-
ing or garrison down the river." The following
September, the Indians gave Stedman a piece of
land, as a reward for his bravery.
With sentiments of respect, I remain, sir, your
sincere friend, L. S. EVERETT.
Mr. J. E. Seaver.
A particular account of General Sullivan's Expedi-
tion against the Indians, in the western part of the
State of New- York, in 1779.
IT has been thought expedient to publish in this
volume, the following account of Gen. Sullivan's
expedition, in addition to the facts related by Mrs.
Jemison, of the barbarities which were perpetrated
upon Lieut, Boyd, and two others, who were taken,
and who formed a part of his army, &c, A de-
150 APPENDIX.
tailed account of this expedition has never been in
the hands of the public; and as it is now produced
from a source deserving implicit credit, it is pre-
sumed that it will be received with satisfaction.
John Salmon, Esq. to whom we are happy to
acknowledge our indebtedness for the subjoined
account, is an old gentleman of respectability and
good standing in society; and is at this time a re-
sident in the town of Groveland, Livingston county,
New- York. He was a hero in the American war
for independence; fought in the battles of his
country under the celebrated Morgan; survived
the blast of British oppression; and now, in the
decline of life, sits under his own well earned vine
and fig-tree, near the grave of his unfortunate
countrymen, who fell gloriously, while fighting the
the ruthless savages, under the command of the
gallant Boyd.
In the autumn after the battle of Monmouth,
(1778,) Morgan's riflemen, to which corps I be-
longed, marched to Schoharie, in the state of New-
York, and there went into winter quarters. The
company to which I was attached, was commanded
by Capt. Michael Simpson; and Thomas Boyd, of
Northumberland county, Pennsylvania, was our
Lieutenant.
In the following spring, our corps, together with
the whole body of troops under the command of
Gen. Clinton, to the amount of about 1500, em-
barked in boats at Schenectady, and ascended the
Mohawk as far as German Flats. Thence we
took a direction to Otsego lake, descended the
Susquehanna, and without any remarkable occur-
rence, arrived at Tioga Point, where our troops
APPENDIX. 151
united with an army of 1500 men under the com-
mand of Gen. Sullivan, who had marched through
a part of New- Jersey, and had reached that place
by the way of Wyoming, some days before us.
That part of the army under Gen. Sullivan, had,
on their arrival at Tioga Point, found the Indians
in some force there, with whom they had had some
unimportant skirmishes before our arrival. Upon
the junction of these two bodies of troops, Gen.
Sullivan assumed the command of the whole, and
proceeded up the Tioga. When within a few
miles of the place now called Newtown, we were
met by a body of Indians, and a number of troops
well known in those times by the name of Butler's
Rangers, who had thrown up, hastily, a breastwork
of logs, trees, &c. They were, however, easily
driven from their works, with considerable loss on
their part, and without any injury to our troops.
The enemy fled with so much precipitation, that
they left behind them some stores and camp equip-
page. They retreated but a short distance before
they made a stand, and built another breastwork
of considerable length, in the woods, near a small
opening. Sullivan was soon apprized of their sit-
uation, divided his army, and attemped to sur-
round, by sending one half to the right and the
other to the left, with directions to meet on the
opposite side of the enemies. In order to prevent
their retreating, he directed bomb-shells to be
thrown over them, which was done: but on the
shells bursting, the Indians suspected that a pow-
erful army had opened a heavy fire upon them on
that side, and fled with the utmost precipitation
through one wing of the surrounding army. A
152 APPENDIX.
great number of the enemy were killed, and our
army suffered considerably.
The Indians having, in this manner, escaped,
they went up the river to a place called the Nar-
rows, where they were attacked by our men, who
killed them in great numbers, so that the sides of
the rocks next the river appeared as though blood
had been poured on them by pailfuls. The Indians
threw their dead into the river, and escaped the
best way they could.
From Newtown our army went directly to the
head of the Seneca lake; thence down that lake
to its mouth, where we found the Indian village
at that place evacuated, except by a single in-
habitant— a male child about seven or eight years
of age, who was found asleep in one of the In-
dian huts.133 Its fate I have never ascertained. It
was taken into the care of an officer of the army,
who, on account of ill health, was not on duty, and
who took the child with him, as I have since un-
derstood, to his residence on or near the North
river.
From the mquth of Seneca lake we proceeded,
without the occurrence of any thing of importance,
by the outlets of the Canandaigua, Honeoye, and
Hemlock lakes, to the head of Connissius lake,
where the army encamped on the ground that is
now called Henderson's Flats.
Soon after the army had encamped, at the dusk
of the evening, a party of twenty-one men, under
the command of Lieut. Boyd, was detached from
the rifle corps, and sent out for the purpose of re-
connoitering the ground near the Genesee river,
at a place now called Williamsburg, at a distance
APPENDIX. 153
from the camp of about seven miles, under the
guidance of a faithful Indian pilot. That place
was then the site of an Indian village, and it was
apprehended that the Indians and Rangers might
be there or in that vicinity in considerable force.
On the arrival of the party at Williamsburg,
they found that the Indian village had been recently
deserted, as the fires in the huts were still burning.
The night was so far spent when they got to their
place of destination, that Lieutenant Boyd, con-
sidering the fatigue of his men, concluded to re-
main during the night near the village, and to send
two men messengers with a report to the camp in
the morning. Accordingly, a little before day-
break, he despatched two men to the main body of
the army, with information that the enemy had
not been discovered.
After day-light, Lieut. Boyd cautiously crept
from the place of his concealment, and upon get-
ting a view of the village, discovered two Indians
hovering about the settlement: one of whom was
immediately shot and scalped by one of the rifle-
men, whose name was Murphy. Supposing that
if there were Indians in that vicinity, or near the
village, they would be instantly alarmed by this
occurrence, Lieut. Boyd thought it most prudent
to retire, and make the best of his way to the gen-
eral encampment of our army. They accordingly
set out and retraced the steps which they had taken
the day before, till they were intercepted by the
enemy.
On their arriving within about one mile and a
half of the main army, they were surprized by the
sucldcn appearance of a body of Indians, to the
11
154 APPENDIX.
amount of five hundred, under the command of
the celebrated Brandt, and the same number of
Rangers, commanded by the infamous Butler, who
had secreted themselves in a ravine of considerable
extent, which lay across the track that Lieut. Boyd
had pursued.
Upon discovering the enemy, and knowing that
the only chance for escape was by breaking through
their line, (one of the most desperate enterprizes
ever undertaken,) Lieut. Boyd, after a few words
of encouragement, led his men to the attempt.
As extraordinary as it may seem, the first onset,
though unsuccessful, was made without the loss of
a man on the part of the heroic band, though sev-
eral of the enemy were killed. Two attempts
more were made, which were equally unsuccessful,
and in which the whole party fell, except Lieut.
Boyd, and eight others. Lieut. Boyd and a soldier
by the name of Parker, were taken prisoners on
the spot, a part of the remainder fled, and a part
fell on the ground, apparently dead, and were
overlooked by the Indians, who were too much
engaged in pursuing the fugitives to notice those
who fell.
When Lieut. Boyd found himself a prisoner, he
solicited an interview with Brandt, whom he well
knew commanded the Indians. This Chief, who
was at that moment near, immediately presented
himself, when Lieut. Boyd, by one of those ap-
peals which are known only by those who have
been initiated and instructed in certain mysteries,
and which never fail to bring succor to a "distress-
ed brother," addressed him as the only source from
which he could expect a respite from cruel punish-
APPENDIX.
ment or death. The appeal was recognized, and
Brandt immediately, and in the strongest language,
assured him that his life should be spared.
Lieut. Boyd, and his fellow-prisoner, Parker,
were immediately conducted by a party of the
Indians to the Indian village called Beard's Town,
on the west side of Genesee river, in what is now
called Leicester. After their arrival at Beard's
Town, Brandt, their generous preserver, being
called on service which required a few hours ab-
sence, left them in the care of the British Col.
Butler, of the Rangers; who, as soon as Brandt
had left them, commenced an interrogation, to ob-
tain from the prisoners a statement of the num-
ber, situation and intentions of the army under
Gen. Sullivan; and threatened them, in case they
hesitated or prevaricated in their answers, to de-
liver them up immediately to be massacred by the
Indians, who, in Brandt's absence, and with the
encouragement of their more savage commander,
Butler, were ready to commit the greatest cruelties.
Relying, probably, on the promises which Brandt
had made them, and which he undoubtedly meant
to fulfil, they refused to give Butler the desired in-
formation. Butler, upon this, hastened to put his
threat into execution. They were delivered to
some of their most ferocious enemies, who, after
having put them to very severe torture, killed them
by severing their heads from their bodies.
The main army, immediately after hearing of
the situation of Lieut. Boyd's detachment, moved
on towards Genesee river, and finding the bodies
of those who were slain in Boyd's heroic attempt
to penetrate through the enemy's line, buried them
156 APPENDIX.
in what is now the town of Groveland, where the
grave is to be seen at this day.
Upon their arrival at the Genesee river, they
crossed over, scoured the country for some dis-
tance on the river, burnt the Indian villages on the
Genesee flats, and destroyed all their corn and
other means of subsistence.
The bodies of Lieut. Boyd and Parker were
found and buried near the bank of Beard's creek,
under a bunch of wild plum-trees, on the road, as
it now runs, from Moscow to Geneseo. I was one
of those who committed to the earth the remains of
my friend and companion in arms, the gallant Boyd.
Immediately after these events the army com-
menced its march back, by the same route that it
came, to Tioga Point; thence down the Susque-
hanna to Wyoming; and thence across the coun-
try to Morristown, New- Jersey, where we went into
winter quarters.
Gen. Sullivan's bravery is unimpeachable. He
was unacquainted, however, with fighting the In-
dians, and made use of the best means to keep
them at such a distance that they could not be
brought into an engagement. It was his practice,
morning and evening, to have cannon fired in or
near the camp, by which the Indians were notified
of their speed in marching, and of his situation,
and were enabled to make a seasonable retreat.
The foregoing account, according to the best of
my recollection is strictly correct.
JOHN SALMON.
Groveland, January 24, 1824.
Esq. Salmon was formerly from Northumber-
land county, Pennsylvania, and was first Serjeant
in Capt. Simpson's and Lieut. Boyd's company.
APPENDIX. 157
Tradition of the Origin of the Seneca Nation. — Their
Preservation from utter extinction. — The Means by
which the People who preceded the Senecas were
destroyed — and the Cause of the different Indian
Languages.
THE tradition of the Seneca Indians, in regard
to their origin, as we are assured by Capt. Horatio
Jones, who was a prisoner five years amongst them,
and for many years since has been an interpreter,
and agent for the payment of their annuities, is
that they broke out of the earth from a large moun-
tain at the head of Canandaigua Lake, and that
mountain they still venerate as the place of their
birth; thence they derive their name, "Ge-nun-
de-wah," *«« or Great Hill, and are called "The
Great Hill People," which is the true definition of
the word Seneca.
The great hill at the head of Canandaigua lake,
from whence they sprung, is called Genundewah,
and has for a long time past been the place where
the Indians of that nation have met in council, to
hold great talks, and to offer up prayers to the
Great Spirit, on account of its having been their
birth place; and also in consequence of the des-
truction of a serpent at that place, in ancient time,
in a most miraculous manner, which threatened
the destruction of the whole of the Senecas, and
barely spared enough to commence replenishing
the earth.
The Indians say, says Capt. Jones, that the fort
on the big hill, or Genundewah, near the head of
Canandaigua lake, was surrounded by a monstrous
* This by some is spoken Ge-nun-de-wah-gauh.
o
i58 APPENDIX.
serpent, whose head and tail came together at the
gate. A long time it lay there, confounding the
people with its breath. At length they attempted
to make their escape, some with their hommany-
blocks, and others with different implements of
household furniture; and in marching out of the
fort walked down the throat of the serpent. Two
orphan children, who had escaped this general de-
struction by being left some time before on the
outside of the fort, were informed by an oracle of
the means by which they could get rid of their
formidable enemy — which was, to take a small
bow and a poisoned arrow, made of a kind of wil-
low, and with that shoot the serpent under its
scales. This they did, and the arrow proved ef-
fectual; for on its penetrating the skin, the serpent
became sick, and extending itself rolled down the
hill, destroying all the timber that was in its way,
disgorging itself and breaking wind greatly as it
went. At every motion, a human head was dis-
charged, and rolled down the hill into the lake,
where they lie at this day, in a petrified state,
having the hardness and appearance of stones.
To this day the Indians visit that sacred place,
to mourn the loss of their friends, and to celebrate
some rites that are peculiar to themselves. To
the knowledge of white people there has been no
timber on the great hill since it was first discovered
by them, though it lay apparently in a state of na-
ture for a great number of years, without cultiva-
tion. Stones in the shape of Indians' heads may
be seen lying in the lake in great plenty, which
are said to be the same that were deposited there
at the death of the serpent.
APPENDIX. 159
The Senecas have a tradition, that previous to,
and for some time after, their origin at Genunde-
wah, this country, especially about the lakes, was
thickly inhabited by a race of civil, enterprizing
and industrious people, who were totally destroyed
by the great serpent, that afterwards surrounded
the great hill fort, with the assistance of others of
the same species; and that they (the Senecas)
went into possession of the improvements that were
left.
In those days the Indians throughout the whole
country, as the Senecas say, spoke one language;
but having become considerably numerous, the
before mentioned great serpent, by an unknown
influence, confounded their language, so that they
could not understand each other; which was the
cause of their division into nations, as the Mo-
hawks, Oneidas, &c. At that time, however, the
Senecas retained their original language, and con-
tinued to occupy their mother hill, on which they
fortified themselves against their enemies, and liv-
ed peaceably, till having offended the serpent,* they
were cut off as before stated.
OF THEIR RELIGION— FEASTS— AND
GREAT SACRIFICE.
PERHAPS no people are more exact observers of
religious duties than those Indians among the Sen-
ecas, who are denominated pagans, in contradis-
*The pagans of the Senecas believe that all the little
snakes were made of the blood of the great serpent, after
it rolled into the lake.
160 APPENDIX.
tinction from those, who, having renounced some
of their former superstitious notions, have obtain-
ed the name of Christians. The traditionary
faith of their fathers, having been orally transmit-
ted to them from time immemorial, is implicitly
believed, scrupulously adhered to, and rigidly prac-
tised. They are agreed in their sentiments — are
all of one order, and have individual and public
good, especially among themselves, for the great
motive which excites them to attend to those mo-
ral virtues that are directed and explained by all
their rules, and in all their ceremonies.
Many years have elapsed since the introduction
tion of Christian Missionaries among them, whom
they have heard, and very generally understand
the purport of the message they were sent to deliver.
They say that it is highly probable that Jesus
Christ came into the world in old times, to establish
a religion that would promote the happiness of the
white people, on the other side of the great water,
(meaning the sea,) and that he died for the sins of
his people, as the missionaries have informed them:
But, they say that Jesus Christ had nothing to do
with them, and that the Christian religion was not
designed for their benefit; but rather, should they
embrace it, they are confident it would make them
worse, and consequently do them an injury. They
say, also, that the Great Good Spirit gave them
their religion; and that it is better adapted to their
circumstances, situation and habits, and to the
promotion of their present comfort and ultimate
happiness, than any system that ever has or can
be devised. They, however, believe, that the
Christian religion is better calculated for the good
APPENDIX. 161
of white people than theirs is; and wonder that
those who have embraced it, do not attend more
strictly to its precepts, and feel more engaged for
its support and diffusion among themselves. At
the present time, they are opposed to preachers or
schoolmasters being sent or coming among them;
and appear determined by all means to adhere to
their ancient customs.
They believe in a Great Good Spirit, (whom
they call in the Seneca language Nau-wan-e-u,) 135 as
the Creator of the world, and of every good
thing — that he made men, and all inoffensive ani-
mals; that he supplies men with all the comforts
of life; and that he is particularly partial to the
Indians, whom they say are his peculiar people.
They also believe that he is pleased in giving them
(the Indians) good gifts; and that he is highly
gratified with their good conduct — that he abhors
their vices, and that he is willing to punish them
for their bad conduct, not only in this world, but
in a future state of existence. His residence, they
suppose, lies at a great distance from them, in a
country that is perfectly pleasant, where plenty
abounds, even to profusion. That there the soil
is completely fertile, and the seasons so mild that
the corn never fails to be good — that the deer,
elk, buffalo, turkies, and other useful animals, are
numerous, and that the forests are well calculated to
facilitate their hunting them with success — that
the streams are pure, and abound with fish: and
that nothing is wanting, to render fruition com-
plete. Over this territory they say Nauwaneu
presides as an all-powerful king; and that without
counsel he admits to his pleasures all whom he
02
162 APPENDIX.
considers to be worthy of enjoying so great a state
of blessedness.
To this being they address prayers, offer sacri-
fices, give thanks for favors, and perform many
acts of devotion and reverence.
They likewise believe that Nauwaneu has a
brother that is less powerful than himself, and who
is opposed to him, and to every one that is or wishes
to be good : that this bad Spirit 136 made all evil
things, snakes, wolves, catamounts, and all other
poisonous or noxious animals and beasts of prey,
except the bear, which, on the account of the ex-
cellence of its meat for food, and skin for clothing,
they say was made by Nauwaneu. Besides all
this they say he makes and sends them their dis-
eases, bad weather and bad crops, and that he
makes and supports witches. He owns a large
country adjoining that of his brother, with whom
he is continually at variance. His fields are un-
productive; thick clouds intercept the rays of the
sun, and consequently destructive frosts are fre-
quent; game is very scarce, and not easily taken;
ravenous beasts are numerous; reptiles of every
poisoned tooth lie in the path of the traveller; the
streams are muddy, and hunger, nakedness and
general misery, are severely felt by those who un-
fortunately become his tenants. He takes pleasure
in afflicting the Indians here, and after their death
receives all those into his dreary dominions, who
in their life time have been so vile as to be rejected
by Nauwaneu, under whose eye they are continued
in an uncomfortable state forever. To this source
of evil they offer some oblations to abate his ven-
geance, and render him propitious. They, how-
APPENDIX. 163
ever, believe him to be, in a degree, under subjec-
tion to his brother, and incapable of executing his
plans only by his high permission.
Public religious duties are attended to in the
celebration of particular festivals and sacrifices,
which are observed with circumspection and at-
tended with decorum.
In each year they have five feasts,137 or stated
times for assembling in their tribes, and giving
thanks to Nauwaneu, for the blessings which they
have received from his kind and liberal and provi-
dent hand; and also to converse upon the best
means of meriting a continuance of his favors.
The first of these feasts is immediately after they
have finished sugaring, at which time they give
thanks for the favorable weather and great quan-
tity of sap they have had, and for the sugar that
they have been allowed to make for the benefit of
their families. At this, as at all the succeeding
feasts, the Chiefs arise singly, and address the au-
dience in a kind of exhortation, in which they ex-
press their own thankfulness, urge the necessity
and propriety of general gratitude, and point out
the course which ought to be pursued by each in-
dividual, in order that Nauwaneu may continue to
bless them, and that the evil spirit may be defeated.
On these occasions the Chiefs describe a perfect-
ly straight line, half an inch wide, and perhaps
ten miles long, which they direct their people to
travel upon by placing one foot before the other,
with the heel of one foot to the toe of the other,
and so on till they arrive at the end. The mean-
ing of which is, that they must not turn aside to
the right hand or to the left into the paths of vice,
164 APPENDIX.
but keep straight ahead in the way of well doing,
that will lead them to the paradise of Nauwaneu.
The second feast is after planting; when they
render thanks for the pleasantness of the season —
for the good time they have had for preparing
their ground and planting their corn; and are in-
structed by their Chiefs, by what means to merit a
good harvest.
When the green corn becomes fit for use, they
hold their third, or green corn feast. Their fourth
is celebrated after corn harvest; and the fifth at
the close of their year, and is always celebrated at
the time of the old moon in the last of January
or first of February. This last deserves a partic-
ular description.
The Indians having returned from hunting, and
having brought in all the venison and skins that they
have taken, a committee is appointed, says Mrs.
Jemison, consisting of from ten to twenty active
men, to superintend the festivities of the great sac-
rifice and thanksgiving that is to be immediately
celebrated. This being done, preparations are made
at the council-house, or place of meeting, for the
reception and accommodation of the whole tribe;
and then the ceremonies are commenced, and the
whole is conducted with a great degree of order and
harmony, under the direction of the committee.
Two white dogs,* without spot or blemish, are
selected (if such can be found, and if not, two
that have the fewest spots) from those belonging
to the tribe, and killed near the door of the coun-
cil-house, by being strangled. A wound on the
* This was the practice in former times; but at present I
am informed that only one dog is sacrificed.138.
APPENDIX. 165
animal or an effusion of blood, would spoil the
victim, and render the sacrifice useless. The dogs
are then painted red oh their faces, edges of their
ears, and on various parts of their bodies, and are
curiously decorated with ribbons of different colors,
and fine feathers, which are tied and fastened on
in such a manner as to make the most elegant ap-
pearance. They are then hung on a post near
the door of the council-house, at the height of
twenty feet from the ground.
This being done, the frolic is commenced by
those who are present, while the committee run
through the tribe or town, and hurry the people
to assemble, by knocking on their houses. At
this time the committee are naked, (wearing only
a breech-clout,) and each carries a paddle, with
which he takes up ashes and scatters them about
the house in every direction. In the course of the
ceremonies, all the fire is extinguished in every
hut throughout the tribe, and new fire, struck from
the flint on each hearth, is kindled, after having
removed the whole of the ashes, old coals, &c.
Having done this, and discharged one or two guns,
they go on, and in this manner they proceed till
they have visited every house in the tribe. This
finishes the business of the first day.
On the second day the committee dance, go
through the town with bear-skin on their legs, and
at every time they start they fire a gun. They
also beg through the tribe, each carrying a basket
in which to receive whatever may be bestowed.
The alms consist of Indian tobacco, and other ar-
ticles that are used for incense at the sacrifice.
Each manager at this time carries a dried tortoise
i66 APPENDIX.
or turtle shell, containing a few beans, which he
frequently rubs on the walls of the houses, both
inside and out. This kind of manoeuvering by the
committee continues two or three days, during
which time the people at the council-house recre-
ate themselves by dancing.
On the fourth or fifth day the committee make
false faces of husks, in which they run about,
making a frightful but ludicrous appearance. In
this dress, (still wearing the bear-skin,) they run to
the council-house, smearing themselves with dirt
and bedaub every one who refuses to contribute
something towards filling the baskets of incense,
which they continue to carry, soliciting alms.
During all this time they collect the evil spirit, or
drive it off entirely, for the present, and also con-
centrate within themselves all the sins of their
tribe, however numerous or heinous.
On the eighth or ninth day, the committee hav-
ing received all the sin, as before observed, into
their own bodies, they take down the dogs, and
after having transfused the whole of it into one of
their own number, he, by a peculiar slight of hand,
or kind of magic, works it all out of himself into
the dogs. The dogs, thus loaded with all the sins
of the people, are placed upon a pile of wood that
is directly set on fire. Here they are burnt, to-
gether with the sins with which they were loaded,
surrounded by the multitude, who throw incense of
tobacco or the like into the fire, the scent of which
they say, goes up to Nauwaneu, to whom it is
pleasant and acceptable.139
This feast continues nine days,* and during that
* At present, as I have been informed, this feast is not
APPENDIX. 167
time the Chiefs review the national affairs of the
year past; agree upon the best plan to be pursued
through the next year, and attend to all internal
regulations.
On the last day, the whole company partake of
an elegant dinner, consisting of meat, corn and
beans, boiled together in large kettles, and stirred
till the whole is completely mixed and soft. This
mess is devoured without much ceremony — some
eat with a spoon, by dipping out of the kettles;
others serve themselves in small dippers; some in
one way, and some in another, till the whole is
consumed. After this they perform the war dance,
the peace dance, and smoke the pipe of peace;
and then, free from iniquity, each repairs to his
place of abode, prepared to commence the busi-
ness of a new year. In this feast, temperance is
observed, and commonly, order prevails in a greater
degree than would naturally be expected.
They are fond of the company of spectators
who are disposed to be decent, and treat them po-
litely in their way; but having been frequently
imposed upon by the whites, they treat them gen-
erally with indifference.
OF THEIR DANCES.
OF these, two only will be noticed. The war
dance is said to have originated about the time
that the Six Nations, or Northern Indians, corn-
commonly held more than from five to seven days. In for-
mer times, and till within a few years, nine days were par-
ticularly observed.
1 68 APPENDIX.
menced the old war with the Cherokees and other
Southern Indian Nations, about one hundred years
ago.140
When a tribe, or number of tribes of the Six
Nations, had assembled for the purpose of going
to battle with their enemies, the Chiefs sung this
song, and accompanied the music with dancing,
and gestures that corresponded with the sentiments
expressed, as a kind of stimulant to increase their
courage, and anxiety to march forward to the
place of carnage.
Those days having passed away, the Indians at
this day sing the 'war song/ to commemorate the
achievements of their fathers, and as a kind of
amusement. When they perform it, they arm
themselves with a war-club, tomahawk and knife,
and commence singing with firm voice, and a stern,
resolute countenance: but before they get through
they exhibit in their features and actions the most
shocking appearance of anger, fury and vengeance,
that can be imagined: No exhibition of the kind
can be more terrifying to a stranger.
The song requires a number of repetitions in
the tune, and has a chorus that is sung at the end
of each verse. I have not presumed to arrange it
in metre; but the following is the substance: "We
are assembled in the habiliments of war, and will
go in quest of our enemies. We will march to
their land and spoil their possessions. We will
take their women and children, and lead them into
captivity. The warriors shall fall by our war-
clubs — we will give them no quarter. Our toma-
hawks we will dip in their brains! with our scalp-
ing knives we will scalp them." At each period
APPENDIX. 169
comes on the chorus, which consists of one mono-
syllable only, that is sounded a number of times,
and articulated like a faint, stifled groan. This
word is "eh," and signifies "we will," or "we will
go," or "we will do." While singing, they per-
form the ceremony of killing and scalping, with a
great degree of dexterity.
The peace dance is performed to a tune without
words, by both sexes. The Indians stand erect
in one place, and strike the floor with the heel and
toes of one foot, and then of the other, (the heels
and toes all the while nearly level,) without chang-
ing their position in the least. The squaws at the
same time perform it by keeping the feet close to-
gether, and without raising them from the ground,
move a short distance to the right, and then to the
left, by first moving their toes and then their heels.
This dance is beautiful, and is generally attended
with decency.
OF THEIR GOVERNMENT.
THEIR government is an oligarchy of a mixed
nature; and is administered by Chiefs, a part of
whose offices are hereditary, and a part elective.
The nation is divided into tribes, and each tribe
commonly has two Chiefs. One of these inherits
his office from his father. He superintends all
civil affairs in the tribe; attends the national coun-
cil, of which he is a member; assents to all convey-
ances of land, and is consulted on every subject
of importance. The other is elected by the tribe,
and can be removed at the pleasure of his constit-
12 P
i;o APPENDIX.
uents for malconduct. He also is a member of the
national council: but his principal business is to
superintend the military concerns of his tribe, and
in war to lead his warriors to battle. He acts in
concert with the other Chief, and their word is im-
plicitly relied on, as the law by which they must be
governed. That which they prohibit, is not med-
dled with. The Indian laws are few, and easily
expounded. Their business of a public nature is
transacted in council, where every decision is final.
They meet in general council once a year, and
sometimes oftener. The administration of their
government is not attended with expense. They
have no national revenue, and consequently have
no taxes.141
THE EXTENT AND NUMBER OF THE SIX
NATIONS.
THE Six Nations in the state of New- York are
located upon several reservations, from the Oneida
Lake to the Cattaraugus and Allegany rivers.
A part of those nations live oil the Sandusky, in
the state of Ohio, viz — 380 Cayugas, 100 Senecas,
64 Mohawks, 64 Oneidas, and 80 Onondagas.
The bulk of the Mohawks are on Grand River,
Upper Canada, together with some Senecas, Tus-
caroras, Cayugas, Oneidas, and Onondagas.
In the state of New- York there are 5000, and in
the state of Ohio 688, as we are assured by Capt.
Horatio Jones, agent for paying their annuities,
making in the whole, in both states, 5688. 142
APPENDIX. 171
OF THEIR COURTSHIPS, &c.
WHEN an Indian sees a squaw whom he fancies,
he sends a present to her mother or parents, who
on receiving it consult with his parents, his friends,
and each other, on the propriety and expediency
of the proposed connexion. If it is not agreeable,
the present is returned; but if it is, the lover is
informed of his good fortune, and immediately goes
to live with her, or takes her to a hut of his own
preparing.143
Polygamy 144 is practised in a few instances, and is
not prohibited.
Divorces are frequent. If a difficulty of impor-
tance arises between a married couple, they agree
to separate. They divide their property and chil-
dren; the squaw takes the girls, the Indian the boys,
and both are at liberty to marry again.
They have no marriage ceremony, nor form of
divorcement, other than what has been mentioned.145"6
OF FAMILY GOVERNMENT.
IN their families, parents are very mild, and the
mother superintends the children. The word of
the Indian father, however, is law, and must be
obeyed by the whole that are under his authority.
One thing respecting the Indian women is wor-
thy of attention, and perhaps of imitation, although
it is now a days considered beneath the dignity of
the ladies, especially those who are the most refin-
ed; and that is, they are under a becoming subjec-
tion to their husbands. It is a rule, inculcated in
172 APPENDIX.
all the Indian tribes, and practised throughout their
generations, that a squaw shall not walk before her
Indian, nor pretend to take the lead in his business.
And for this reason we never can see a party on
the march to or from hunting and the like, in which
the squaws are not directly in the rear of their
partners.
OF THEIR FUNERALS.
THE deceased having been laid out in his best
clothing, is put into a coffin of boards or bark, and
with him is deposited, in every instance, a small cup
and a cake. Generally two or three candles are
also put into the coffin, and in a few instances, at
the burial of a great man, all his implements of
war are buried by the side of the body. The coffin
is then closed and carried to the grave. On its
being let down, the person who takes the lead of
the solemn transaction, or a Chief, addresses the
dead in a short speech, in which he charges him
not to be troubled about himself in his new situa-
tion, nor on his journey, and not to trouble his
friends, wife or children, whom he has left. Tells
him that if he meets with strangers on his way, he
must inform them what tribe he belongs to, who his
relatives are, the situation in which he left them,
and that having done this, he must keep on till he
arrives at the good fields in the country of Nau-
waneu. That when he arrives there he will see
all his ancestors and personal friends that have
gone before him; who, together with all the
Chiefs of celebrity, will receive him joyfully, and
APPENDIX. 173
furnish him with every article of perpetual happi-
ness.
The grave is now filled and left till evening,
when some of the nearest relatives of the dead build
a fire at the head of it, near which they set till
morning. In this way they continue to practise
nine successive nights, when, believing that their
departed friend has arrived at the end of his jour-
ney, they discontinue their attention. During this
time the relatives of the dead are not allowed to
dance.
Formerly, frolics were held, after the expiration
of nine days, for the dead, at which all the squaws
got drunk, and those were the only occasions on
which they were intoxicated: but lately those are
discontinued, and squaws feel no delicacy in get-
ting inebriated.147
OF THEIR CREDULITY.
As ignorance is the parent of credulity, it is not
a thing to be wondered at that the Indians should
possess it in a great degree, and even suffer them-
selves to be dictated and governed by it in many
of the most important transactions of their lives.
They place great confidence in dreams, attach
some sign to every uncommon circumstance, and
believe in charms, spirits, and many supernatural
things that never existed, only in minds enslaved
to ignorance and tradition: but in no instance is
their credulity so conspicuous, as in their unalter-
able belief in witches.
P2
174 APPENDIX.
They believe there are many of these, and that
next to the author of evil, they are the greatest
scourge to their people. The term witch, by them,
is used both in the masculine and feminine gender,
and denotes a person to whom the evil deity has
delegated power to inflict diseases, cause death,
blast corn, bring bad weather, and in short to cause
almost any calamity to which they are liable.
With this impression, and believing that it is their
actual duty to destroy, as far as lies in their power,
every source of unhappiness, it has been a custom
among them from time immemorial, to destroy
every one that they could convict of so heinous a
crime; and in fact there is no reprieve from the
sentence.
Mrs. Jemison informed us that more or less who
had been charged with being witches, had been
executed in almost every year since she has lived
on the Genesee. Many, on being suspected, made
their escape: while others, before they were aware
of being implicated, have been apprehended and
brought to trial. She says that a number of years
ago, an Indian chased a squaw, near Beard's
Town, and caught her; but on the account of her
great strength she got away. The Indian, vexed
and disappointed, went home, and the next day
reported that he saw her have fire in her mouth,
and that she was a witch. Upon this she was ap-
prehended and killed immediately. She was Big-
tree's cousin. Mrs. Jemison says she was present
at the execution. She also saw one other killed
and thrown into the river.
Col. Jeremiah Smith, of Leicester, near Beard's
Town, saw an Indian killed by his five brothers,
APPENDIX. 175
who struck him on the head with their toma-
hawks at one time. He was charged with being a
witch, because of his having been fortunate enough,
when on a hunting party, to kill a number of deer,
while his comrades failed of taking any.
Col. Smith also saw a squaw, who had been con-
victed of being a witch, killed by having small
green whips burnt till they were red hot, but not
quite coaled, and thrust down her throat. From
such trifling causes thousands have lost their lives,
and notwithstanding the means that are used for
their reformation, the pagans will not suffer "a
witch to live."
OF THE MANNER OF FARMING, AS PRAC-
TISED BY THE INDIAN WOMEN.
IT is well known that the squaws have all the
labor of the field to perform, and almost every
other kind of hard service, which, in civil society,
is performed by the men. In order to expedite
their business, and at the same time enjoy each
other's company, they all work together in one
field, or at whatever job they may have on hand.
In the spring they choose an old active squaw to
be their driver and overseer when at labor, for the
ensuing year. She accepts the honor, and they
consider themselves bound to obey her.
When the time for planting arrives, and the soil
is prepared, the squaws are assembled in the morn
ing, and conducted into a field, where each plants
one row. They then go into the next field, and
plant once across, and so on till they have gone
176 APPENDIX.
through the tribe. If any remains to be planted,
they again commence where they did at first, (in
the same field,) and so keep on till the whole is
finished. By this rule they perform their labor of
every kind, and every jealousy of one having done
more or less than another, is effectually avoided.
Each squaw cuts her own wood; but it is all
brought to the house under the direction of the
overseer — each bringing one back load.
OF THEIR METHOD OF COMPUTING TIME,
AND KEEPING THEIR RECORDS.
THIS is done by moons and winters: a moon is
a month, and the time from the end of one winter
to that of another, a year.
From sunset till sunrise, they say that the sun is
asleep. In the old of the moon, when it does not
shine in the night, they say it is dead. They re-
joice greatly at the sight of the new moon.
In order to commemorate great events, and pre-
serve thec hronology of them, the war Chief in each
tribe keeps a war post. This post is a peeled stick
of timber, 10 or 12 feet high, that is erected in the
town. For a campaign they make, or rather the
Chief makes, a perpendicular red mark, about three
inches long and half an inch wide; on the opposite
side from this, for a scalp, they make a red cross,
thus, -f; on another side, for a prisoner taken
alive, they make a red cross in this manner, X,
with a head or dot, and by placing such significant
hireoglyphics in so conspicuous a situation, they
MARY JEMISON BEING ARRAYED IN THE COSTUME OF A
SENECA INDIAN MAIDEN
APPENDIX. 177
are enabled to ascertain with great certainty the
time and circumstances of past events.
Hiokatoo had a war-post, on which was recorded
his military exploits, and other things that he tho't
worth preserving.
ANECDOTES.
HIOKATOO used to say that when he was a young
man, there lived in the same tribe with him an old
Indian warrior, who was a great counsellor, by the
name of Buck-in-je-hil-lish. Buckinjehillish hav-
ing, with great fatigue, attended the council when
it was deliberating upon war, declared that none
but the ignorant made war, but that the wise men
and the warriors had to do the righting. This
speech exasperated his countrymen to such a de-
gree that he was apprehended and tried for being
a witch, on the account of his having lived to so
advanced an age; and because he could not show
some reason why he had not died before, he was
sentenced to be tomahawked by a boy on the spot,
which was accordingly done.
IN the last war, (1814,) an Indian who had been
on fatigue, called at a commissary's and begged
some bread. He was sent for a pail of water be-
fore he received it, and while he was absent an
officer told the commissary to put a piece of money
into the bread, and observe the event. He did so.
The Indian took the bread and went off: but on
the next day having ate his bread and found the
178 APPENDIX.
money, he came to the commissary and gave him
the same, as the officer had anticipated.
LITTLE BEARD, a celebrated Indian Chief, having
arrived to a very advanced age, died at his town
on the Genesee river about the first of June, 1806,
and was buried after the manner of burying chiefs.
In his life time he had been quite arbitrary, and
had made some enemies whom he hated, probably,
and was not loved by them. The grave, however,
deprives envy of its malignity, and revenge of its
keenness.
Little Beard had been dead but a few days when
the great eclipse of the sun took place, on the six-
teenth of June, which excited in the Indians a great
degree of astonishment; for as they were ignorant
of astronomy, they were totally unqualified to ac-
count for so extraordinary a phenomenon. The
crisis was alarming, and something effectual must
be done, without delay, to remove, if possible, the
cause of such coldness and darkness, which it was
expected would increase. They accordingly ran
together in the three towns near the Genesee river,
and after a short consultation agreed that Little
Beard, on the account of some old grudge which
he yet cherished towards them, had placed himself
between them and the sun, in order that their corn
might not grow, and so reduce them to a state of
starvation. Having thus found the cause, the next
thing was to remove it, which could only be done
by the use of powder and ball. Upon this, every
gun and rifle was loaded, and a firing commenced,
that continued without cessation till the old fellow
left his seat, and the obscurity was entirely remov-
APPENDIX. 179
ed, to the great joy of the ingenious and fortunate
Indians.
IN the month of February, 1824, Corn Planter,
a learned pagan Chief at Tonnewonta, died of com-
mon sickness. He had received a liberal education,
and was held in high estimation in his town and
tribe, by both parties; but the pagans more partic-
ularly mourned his loss deeply, and seemed entirely
unreconciled. They imputed his death to witch-
craft, and charged an Indian by the name of
Prompit, with the crime.
Mr. Prompit is a christian Indian, of the Tusca-
rora nation, who has lived at Tonnewonta a number
of years, where he has built a saw-mill himself,
which he owns, and is considered a decent, respect-
able man.
About two weeks after the death of Corn Planter,
Mr. Prompit happened in company where the au-
thor was present, and immediately begun to con-
verse upon that subject. He said that the old
fashioned Indians called him a witch — believed
that he had killed Corn Planter, and had said that
they would kill him. But, said he, all good people
know that I am not a witch, and that I am clear of
the charge. Likely enough they will kill me; but
if they do, my hands are clean, my conscience is
clear, and I shall go up to God. I will not run nor
hide from them, and they may kill me if they
choose to — I am innocent. When Jesus Christ's
enemies, said he, wanted to kill him, he did not
run away from them, but let them kill him; and
why should I run away from my enemies ?
How the affair will terminate, we are unable to
decide.
i8o APPENDIX.
DESCRIPTION OF GENESEE RIVER AND
ITS BANKS, FROM MOUNT MORRIS TO
THE UPPER FALLS.
FROM Mount Morris the banks of the Genesee
are from two to four hundred feet in height, with
narrow flats on one side of the river or the other,
till you arrive at the tract called Gardow, or Cross
Hills. Here you come to Mrs. Jemison's flats,
which are two miles and a quarter long, and from
eighty to one hundred and twenty rods wide, lying
mostly on the west side of the river.
Near the upper end of these flats is the Great
Slide. Directly above this, the banks (still retain-
ing their before mentioned height) approach so
near each other as to admit of but thirty acres of
flat on one side of the river only, and above this
the perpendicular rock comes down to the water.
From Gardow you ascend the river five miles to
the lower falls, which are ninety-three feet perpen-
dicular. These falls are twenty rods wide, and
have the greatest channel on the east side. From
Wolf creek to these falls the banks are covered
with elegant white and Norway pine.
Above the lower falls the banks for about two
miles are of perpendicular rock, and retain their
height of between two and four hundred feet.
Having travelled this distance you reach the mid-
dle falls, which are an uninterrupted sheet of water
fifteen rods wide, and one hundred and ten feet in
perpendicular height. This natural curiosity is
not exceeded by any thing of the kind in the
western country, except the cataract at Niagara.
From the middle falls the banks gradually rise,
ill you ascend the river half a mile, when you
APPENDIX. 181
come to the upper falls, which are somewhat roll-
ing, 66 feet, in the shape of a harrow. Above this
the banks are of moderate height. The timber
from the lower to the upper falls is principally pine.
Just above the middle falls a saw-mill was erected
this season (1823) by Messrs. Ziba Hurd and Alva
Palmer.148
HUNTING ANECDOTE.
IN November, 1822, Capt. Stephen Rolph and
Mr. Alva Palmer drove a deer into Genesee river,
a short distance above the middle falls, where the
banks were so steep and the current so impetuous,
that it could not regain the shore, and consequent-
ly was precipitated over the falls, one hundred and
ten feet, into the gulph below. The hunters ran
along the bank below the falls, to watch the fate of
the animal, expecting it would be dashed in pieces.
But to their great astonishment it came up alive,
and by swimming across a small eddy, reached the
bank almost under the falls; and as it stood in that
situation, Capt. Rolph, who was on the top of the
bank, shot it. This being done, the next thing to
be considered was, how to get their prize. The
rock being perpendicular, upwards of one hundred
feet, would not admit of their climbing down to it,
and there was no way, apparently, for them to get
at it, short of going down the river two miles, to
the lower falls, and then by creeping between the
water and the precipice, they might possibly reach
their game. This process would be too tedious.
At length Mr. Palmer proposed to Capt. Rolph
Q
182 APPENDIX.
and Mr. Heman Merwin, who had joined them,
that if they would make a windlas and fasten it to
a couple of saplings that stood near, and then
procure some ropes, he would be let down and get
the deer. The apparatus was prepared; the rope
was tied round Palmer's body, and he was let down.
On arriving at the bottom he unloosed himself,
fastened the rope round the deer, which they drew
up, and then threw down the rope, in which he
fastened himself, and was drawn up, without hav-
ing sustained any injury. From the top to the bot-
tom of the rock, where he was let down, was ex-
actly one hundred and twenty feet.
FINIS.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
PREFACE. 3
Introduction. 7
CHAPTER I.
Nativity of her Parents. Their removal to Amer-
ica. Her Birth. Parents settle in Pennsylvania.
Omen of her Captivity. . . . . 17
CHAPTER II.
Her education. Captivity. Journey to Fort Pitt.
Mother's Farewell Address. Murder of her Family.
Preparation of the Scalps. Indian Precautions.
Arrival at Fort Pitt, &c. . 23
CHAPTER III.
She is given to two Squaws. Her Journey down
the Ohio. Passes a Shawnee town, where white
men had just been burnt. Arrives at the Seneca
town. Her Reception. She is Adopted. Ceremo-
ny of Adoption. Indian Custom. Address. She
receives a new name. Her Employment. Retains
her own and learns the Seneca Language. Situation
of the Town, &c. Indians go on a Hunting Tour to
Sciota, and take her with them. Returns. She is
taken to Fort Pitt, and then hurried back by her
Indian Sisters. Her hopes of Liberty destroyed.
Second Tour to Sciota. Return to Wiishto, &c.
Arrival of Prisoners. Priscilla Ramsay. Her Chain.
Mary marries a Delaware. Her Affection for him.
Birth and Death of her first Child. Her Sickness
and Recovery. Birth of Thomas Jemison. . 33
i84 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
She leaves Wiishto for Fort Pitt, in company with
her Husband. Her feelings on setting out. Contrast
between the Labor of the White and Indian Women.
Deficiency of Arts amongst the Indians. Their for-
mer Happiness. Baleful effects of Civilization,
and the introduction of ardent Spirits amongst them,
&c. Journey up the River. Murder of three Trad-
ers by the Shawnees. Her Husband stops at a
Trading House. Wantonness of the Shawnees.
Moves up the Sandusky. Meets her Brother from
Genishau. Her Husband goes to Wiishto, and she
sets out for Genishau in company with her Brothers.
They arrive at Sandusky. Occurrences at that
place. Her Journey to Genishau, and Reception by
her Mother and Friends. .... 46
CHAPTER V.
Indians march to Niagara to fight the British.
Return with two Prisoners, &c. Sacrifice them at
Fall Brook. Her Indian Mother's Address to her
Daughter. Death of her Husband. Bounty offered
for the Prisoners taken in the last War. John Van
Sice attempts to take her to procure her Ransom.
Her Escape. Edict of the Chiefs. Old King of
the tribe determines to have her given up. Her
brother threatens her Life. Her narrow Escape.
The old King goes off. Her brother is informed of
the place of her concealment, and conducts her
home. Marriage to her second Husband. Names
of her Children. 54
CHAPTER VI.
Peace amongst the Indians. Celebrations. Wor-
ship. Exercises. Business of the Tribes. Former
Happiness of the Indians in time of peace, extolled.
Their Morals; Fidelity; Honesty; Chastity; Tem-
perance. Indians called to German Flats. Treaty
CONTENTS. 185
with Americans. They are sent for by the British
Commissioners, and go to Oswego. Promises made
by those Commissioners. Greatness of the King of
England. Reward that was paid them for joining
the British. They make a Treaty. Bounty offered
for Scalps. Return richly dressed and equipped.
In 1776, they kill a man at Cautega, to provoke the
Americans. Prisoners taken at Cherry Valley,
brought to Beard's Town; Redeemed, &c. Battle
at Fort Stanwix. Indians suffer a great Loss. —
Mourning at Beard's Town. Mrs. Jemison's care
of, and services rendered, to Butler and Brandt. 62
CHAPTER VII.
Gen. Sullivan with a large Army arrives at Can-
andaigua. Indians' Troubles. Determine to stop
their March. Skirmish at Connissius Lake. Cir-
cumstances attending the Execution of an Oneida
Warrior. Escape of an Indian Prisoner. Lieut.
Boyd and another man taken Prisoners. Cruelty
of Boyd's Execution. Indians retreat to the Woods.
Sullivan comes on to Genesee Flats and destroys
the Property of the Indians. Returns. Indians
Return. Mrs. Jemison goes to Gardow. Her Em-
ployment there. Attention of an old Negro to her
Safety, &c. Severe Winter. Sufferings of the
Indians. Destruction of Game. Indians' Expedi-
tion to the Mohawk. Capture old John O'Bail, &c.
Other Prisoners taken, &c. .... 69
CHAPTER VIII.
Life of Ebenezer Allen, a Tory. He comes to
Gardow. His intimacy with Nanticoke Squaw.
She gives him a Cap. Her Husband's Jealousy.
Cruelty to his Wife. Hiokatoo's Mandate. Allen
supports her. Her Husband is received into favor.
Allen Labors. Purchases Goods. Stops the Indian
War. His Troubles with the Indians. Marries a
186 CONTENTS.
Squaw. Is taken and carried to Quebec. Acquitted.
Goes to Philadelphia. Returns to Genesee with a
Store of Goods, &c. Goes to Farming. Moves to
Allen's Creek. Builds Mills at Rochester. Drowns
a Dutchman. Marries a White Wife. Kills an old
Man. Gets a Concubine. Moves to Mount Morris.
Marries a third Wife, and gets another Concubine.
Receives a tract of Land. Sends his Children to
other States, &c. Disposes of his Land. Moves to
Grand River, where he Dies. His Cruelties. 79
CHAPTER IX.
Mrs. Jemison has liberty to go to her Friends.
Chooses to stay. Her Reasons, &c. Her Indian
brother makes provision for her settlement. He goes
to Grand River, and dies. Her love for him, &c.
She is presented with the Gardow Reservation.
Description of the Soil, &c. of her Flats. Indian
notions of the ancient Inhabitants of this country. 92
CHAPTER X.
Happy situation of her Family. Disagreement
between her sons Thomas and John. Her Advice
to them, &c. John kills Thomas. Her Affliction.
Council. Decision of the Chiefs, &c. Life of
Thomas. His Wives, Children, &c. Cause of his
Death, &c. 96
CHAPTER XI.
Death of Hiokatoo. Biography. His Birth; Ed-
ucation. Goes against the Cherokees, &c. Bloody
Battle, &c. His success and cruelties in the French
War. Battle at Fort Freeland. Capts. Dougherty
and Boon killed. His Cruelties in the neighborhood
of Cherry Valley, &c. Indians remove their general
Encampment. In 1782, Col. Crawford is sent to
destory them, &c. Is met by a Traitor. Battle.
Crawford's men surprized. Irregular Retreat. —
CONTENTS. 187
Crawford and Doct. Night taken. Council. Craw-
ford is Condemned and Burnt. Aggravating cir-
cumstances. Night is sentenced to be Burnt. Is
Painted by Hiokatoo. Is conducted off, &c. His
fortunate Escape. Hiokatoo, in the French War,
takes Col. Canton. His Sentence. Is bound on a
wild Colt, that runs loose two days. Returns Alive.
Is made to run the Gauntlet. Gets knocked down,
&c. Is Redeemed and sent home. Hiokatoo's
Enmity to the Cherokees, &c. His Height —
Strength — Speed, &c. .... 103
CHAPTER XII.
Her Troubles renewed. John's Jealousy towards
his brother Jesse. Circumstances attending the
Murder of Jesse Jemison. Her Grief. His Fu-
neral— Age — Filial Kindness, &c. . . 118
CHAPTER XIII.
Mrs. Jemison is informed that she has a Cousin
in the Neighborhood, by the name of George Jemi-
son. His Poverty. Her Kindness. His Ingrati-
tude. Her Trouble from Land Speculation. Her
Cousin moves off. 122
CHAPTER XIV.
Another Family Affliction. Her son John's Oc-
cupation. He goes to Buffalo — Returns. Great
Slide by him considered Ominous. Trouble, &c.
He goes to Squawky Hill — Quarrels — Is murdered
by two Indians. His Funeral — Mourners, &c.
His disposition. Ominous Dream. Black Chiefs
Advice, &c. His widows and Family. His Age.
His Murderers flee. Her Advice to them. They
set out to leave their Country. Their Uncle's
Speech to them on parting. They return. Jack
proposes to Doctor to kill each other. Doctor's
Speech in reply. Jack's Suicide. Doctor's Death. 126
i88 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XV.
Micah Brooks, Esq. volunteers to get the Title
to her Land confirmed to herself. She is Natur-
alized. Great Council of Chiefs, &c. in Sept.
1823. She disposes of her Reservation. Reserves
a Tract 2 miles long, and i mile wide, &c. The
Consideration how paid, &c. . . . 134
CHAPTER XVI.
Conclusion. Review of her Life. Reflections
on the loss of Liberty. Care she took to preserve
her Health. Indians' abstemiousness in Drinking,
after the French War. Care of their Lives, &c.
General use of Spirits. Her natural Strength.
Purchase of her first Cow. Means by which she
has been supplied with Food. Suspicions of her
having been a Witch. Her Constancy. Number
of Children. Number Living. Their Residence.
Closing Reflection 139
CONTENTS OF THE APPENDIX.
An account of the destruction of a part of the
British Army, by the Indians, at a place called the
Devil's Hole, on the Niagara River, in the year 1763. 145
A particular Account of Gen. Sullivan's Expe-
dition against the Indians, in the western part of the
State of New- York, in 1779. . . . 149
Tradition of the Origin of the Seneca Nation.
Their Preservation from utter Extinction. The
Means by which the People who preceded the
Senecas, were Destroyed — and the Cause of the
different Indian Languages. . . . 157
Of their Religion — Feasts — and great Sacrifice. 159
Of their Dances. 167
Of their Government. , , , . 169
CONTENTS. 189
The Extent and Number of the Six Nations. 170
Of their Courtships, &c 171
Of Family Government ib.
Of their Funerals. 172
Of their Credulity. 173
Of the Manner of Farming, as practised by the
Indian Women. 175
Of their Method of Computing Time, and
Keeping their Records. . . . . 176
Anecdotes. 177
Description of Genesee River and its Banks, from
Mount Morris to the Upper Falls. . . . 180
Hunting Anecdote. 181
PART II
ADDITIONAL CHAPTERS
BY OTHER AUTHORS
AH-TA-QUA-0-WEH, MOCCASIN FOR FEMALE
CHAPTER !."•
BY EBENEZER Mix.
Life of Mary continued. — Seneca Reservations sold in 1825.
— Is left among the whites. — Discontented. — Sold her
remaining reservation, and removed to Buffalo creek. —
Professes Christianity. — Her death. — Is buried near the
Mission church. — Description of her tombstone. — Her
descendants.
MORE than eighteen years have elapsed since Mary
Jemison related the preceding narrative of her life, and
most of its appendages, to our deceased friend, the au-
thor of the first edition; during which period many im-
portant incidents have transpired, and material
changes taken place involving the destiny of the
principal subject of this memoir, her family and
friends, although none very remarkable or unex-
pected.
Mary Jemison continued to reside on her flats, plant,
hoe, and harvest her corn, beans, squashes, etc., an-
nually, in the same routine of laborious activity and
undisturbed tranquility, which she had always pur-
sued and enjoyed, in times of peace in the nation, and
concord in her family. But the evening of her event-
ful life was not suffered thus smoothly to pass away.
The Senecas having sold all their reservations on the
Genesee River in 1825, and given possession to the
whites soon after, they removed with their families to
194 LIFE OF
Tonawanda, Buffalo Creek, and Cattaraugus reser-
vations, leaving Mrs. Jemison, her daughters, and
their husbands, on her two square miles, surrounded
by the whites in every direction. Thus situated,
she and her children grew as discontented and un-
easy as Alexander Selkirk was on the Island of Juan
Fernandez.
They determined to leave their solitary and isolated
abode among the whites, and again join their tribe,
mix in the society, and partake of the joys and the
sorrows of their kindred and friends. With this in
view, Mrs. Jemison sold her annuity of three hundred
dollars per annum, or rather, received of the obligors
a commutation therefor, in ready money. She like-
wise sold her remaining two square miles of land,
including her "flats," to Messrs. Henry B. Gibson
and Jellis Clute. In the summer of 1831 she re-
moved to Buffalo Creek reservation, where she
purchased the Indian possessory right to a good
farm on the Buffalo Flats, on which she resided
in a state of peace and quietude, until the time
of her decease.
Mrs. Jemison's good traits of character were not
wholly of the negative kind; she exhibited a rare
example of unostentatious charity and true benevo-
lence.150 She appeared to take pleasure and self-
satisfaction in relieving the distress, and supplying
the wants of her fellow-creatures, whether white or
red; anything she possessed, however much labor it
might have cost her, was freely given, when she
thought the necessities of others required it. It
would redound much to the honor of the Christian
religion, if some of its members would pattern, in
some measures, after the pagan woman, in practicing
MARY JEMISON. 195
this most exalted of Christian virtues, charity, in
feelings as well as in actions.
The bodily infirmities of old age gradually increased
in Mrs. Jemison, and enervated her frame; yet she re-
tained her reason and mental faculties to an uncom-
mon extent, for a person of her age; and her society
was not only endurable, but rendered highly interest-
ing and desirable, by her natural exuberant flow of
animal spirits and good nature. In the summer of
1833, she, in a peaceable and friendly manner,
seceded from the pagan party of her nation, and joined
the Christian party, having in her own view, and to
the satisfaction of her spiritual instructor, the Rev.
Asher Wright, missionary at that station, repudiated
paganism, and embraced the Christian religion. In
the autumn succeeding she was attacked by disease
for almost the first time in her protracted pilgrimage,
and dropped away suddenly from the scenes of this
life, on the I9th day of September, 1833, at her own
dwelling on the Buffalo Creek reservation, aged about
ninety-one years. Her funeral was conducted after
the manner, and with the usual ceremonies practised
at Christian burials; and was attended by a large
concourse of people. A marble slab now marks the
spot where her earthly remains rest, in the graveyard
near the Seneca Mission church, with the following
inscription:161
196 LIFE OF
In
Memory of
THE WHITE WOMAN,
MARY JEMISON,
Daughter of
THOMAS JEMISON & JANE IRWIN,
Born on the ocean, between Ireland and Phila., in 1742 or 3. Taken
captive at Marsh Creek, Pa. in 1755 carried down the Ohio, Adopted
into an Indian family. In 1759 removed to Genesee River. Was
naturalized in 1817.
Removed to this place in 1831.
And having survived two husbands and five children, leaving three
still alive;
She Died Sept iQth 1833 aged about ninety-one years,
Having a few weeks before expressed a hope of pardon through
JESUS CHRIST,
"The counsel of the Lord that shall stand."
Mrs. Jemison's three children, Betsey, Nancy, and
Polly, who survived her, all lived respected, and died
regretted, at their several places of residence on the
Seneca reservations, in the short space of three months,
in the autumn of 1839, aged, respectively, sixty-nine,
sixty-three, and fifty-eight years, leaving a large
number of children and grandchildren to lament their
loss.
Jacob Jemison, the grandson of Mrs. Jemison, men-
tioned by her in Chapter X, as having received a
liberal education, and having commenced the study
of medicine, passed through a regular course of
medical studies, with great success, and was ap-
pointed an assistant surgeon in the United States
Navy; in which capacity he sustained an excellent
moral, social, and professional character, which re-
quires no stronger confirmation than the laconic
MARY JEMISON. 197
eulogium pronounced by Capt. E., the commander of
the vessel on board of which he performed duty.
Capt. E., being asked by a gentleman who had
known Jemison when a boy, how he sustained the
character of his situation, promptly replied: "There
is no person on board the ship so generally esteemed
as Mr. Jemison, nor a better surgeon in the
navy." Dr. Jemison died five or six years ago on
board his ship in the Mediterranean squadron, when
about forty years of age.
Several of the grandchildren of Mrs. Jemison, now
living, are highly respected in their nation; while
their talents and moral standing are duly appre-
ciated, and their civilities reciprocated among the
whites. They have acquired the use of the English
language sufficiently to speak it fluently, and have
adopted the dress, habits, and manners of civilized
society. Her grandchildren and great-grandchildren
are numerous: they reside on the remaining Seneca
reservations in this state at present, but will, un-
doubtedly, ere long, take their departure from the
land of their fathers, and assume important positions
in legislative and judicial stations in the new Indian
territory west of the Mississippi.152
BARK CANOE
198 LIFE OF
CHAPTER II.153
BY WILLIAM CLEMENT BRYANT.154
Mary Jemison's Indian name. — Loss of all her property. —
James and David Shongo. — Buffalo Tom, the present head
of the Jemison family. — His household and how they live.
NARRATIVES of the experiences of men and women
whom shipwreck, or the hazards of war, have thrown
upon the mercy of savage tribes, are invested with a
peculiar and painful charm for every class of readers.
In all the range of this department of literature there
is no story more full of pathos and tragic interest
than that of Mary Jemison, as related in her own
artless words.
In the hope of adding some few particulars to the
somewhat meagre sketch contributed by the late Mr.
Mix (pages 193-197) concerning the later history of
the captive, the writer, in the month of November,
1873, visited the Cattaraugus Reservation and con-
sulted some of her descendants, as well as the venerable
and esteemed missionaries, Rev. Asher Wright and
his wife. The results of the inquiries made at that
time are embodied in the present chapter.
The orthography of the name conferred upon the
captive by two gentle Indian women who adopted
her as their sister is incorrectly given in the body of
this work, and the signification is erroneously rendered.
MARY JEMISON. 199
The name should be written Deh-ge-wa-nus, and
means literally The-Two-Falling-Voices. The In-
dians, in pronouncing the name make a circular or
undulating sweep of the hand downwards to emphasize
the idea of a prolonged or dying cadence. The sim-
ple-minded and affectionate beings, who bestowed this
name, evidently meant to keep alive the fact that the
little pale-faced stranger, whom they had taken to
their hearts in place of a brother fallen on the war-
path, had brushed away their tears with her tiny
hands, and lulled the voice of their sorrow. A refer-
ence to the ceremony observed on her being adopted
as a Seneca child will show the peculiar appositeness
of the name.
Immediately after migrating to Buffalo, Mrs.
Jemison purchased the cabin and a small piece of
ground which were the possession or property of an
Indian known as Little Johnson, situated a short dis-
tance south of the old Seneca burial-ground. Her
household consisted of herself, her daughter Polly,
and son-in-law, George Shongo, and five little grand-
children, three of whom were boys and two were girls.
She brought with her the proceeds of the sale of
her Genesee River lands — a sum not more than suffi-
cient, with prudent management, to render her last
days comfortable, and to make a reasonable provision
for her grandchildren, of whom she was very fond. It
must be added with regret — although the circum-
stance harmonizes with the mournful tenor of her
whole life — that this little fortune was soon after
her removal to Buffalo lost through an unfortunate
speculation on the part of a white man to whose cus-
tody she had confided it.
Mary Jemison was a rich landed proprietress on the
200 LIFE OF
Genesee, and it must have been a hard blow, the dis-
covery that her few remaining days were to be spent
in poverty and dependence. It is known, however,
that her simple wants were supplied by her daughter
and son-in-law, who were not wanting in filial love
and attention to this aged and sorrow-stricken woman.
Mrs. Wright kindly consented to put on paper an
account of the last hours of the captive. It will be
found in the next chapter, and forms an important
sequel to Mr. Seaver's work. It is believed that there
are few hearts so hardened as to be unmoved by the
matchless pathos of Mrs. Wright's narrative.
George and Polly Shongo died many years ago, and
but two of their children now survive. The older of
these, David Shongo, is an inmate or a frequent visitor
at the Mission House, where the writer saw him
at the period of his visit. From infancy he was char-
acterized by feebleness of intellect, and is, in truth, a
simple-minded, affectionate creature, and a great
favorite at the Mission.
With his long, romantic locks of coal-black hair,
his clear olive complexion, his large, melancholy eyes
gazing at you from under the shadow of a slouched
and plumed hat; his apparel clean yet thriftily patched,
and betraying the wearer's love of finery by skill-
fully disposed brooches and ribbons, he looked more
like the mild type of a gipsy poacher, or a Spanish
contrabandero, of gentle and humane instincts, than
a descendant of the ruthless and red-handed Hiokatoo.
He speaks English brokenly, but in soft and musical
tones: "Genesee Valley, — beautiful country, — far,
far off," indicating with a sweep of the arm its direc-
tion, "When we broke up and came away, grand-
mother sent me to gather the herds. I found most of
MARY JEMISON. 201
them, but some had wandered away into the woods,
and they no hear my call. They — there — now in
the woods. Often, often I listen in the night, when
it is still, and I hear them calling after me, 'Moo!
moo! moo!"3
James Shongo, the youngest of the five children,
resides with his family on the Allegany Reservation.
He practises the healing art according to the primitive
formulas of the Indians, and enjoys a considerable
white as well as Indian patronage. James was his
grandmother's favorite among Polly's children, and
his memory preserves a vivid impression of his child-
hood days. Though without the simplest rudiments
of an English education, he is an intelligent and
thoughtful man, and enjoys the confidence and respect
of his neighbors, white and red, to an enviable degree.
Thomas Jemison,155 or "Buffalo Tom" as he is fa-
miliarly called, is another grandson of the White
Woman, though of different parentage, residing on the
Cattaraugus Reservation. His father was the cap-
tive's ill-starred son Thomas, his mother is believed
to have been one of the numerous progeny of that
desperate outlaw, "Indian Allen." She inherited,
however, none of her father's evil traits, but was a
remarkably industrious and exemplary woman. De-
serted with her infant children, by a profligate and
faithless husband, she reared her little family by her
unaided exertions, and inculcated in their young
minds the principles of virtue, morality, and thrift.
More than this she could not do, for in those primitive
days the missionaries had rarely penetrated to the
banks of the Genesee, and save a dim and wondering
memory of some of the strange words which the
saintly Kirkland had spoken to them on his brief
14
202 LIFE OF
visit to the Senecas, the light of the Gospel had not
dawned upon this hapless people.
Thomas was born sometime between Christmas and
New Year — 1794, I795> — at or near the Indian vil-
lage of Squakie Hill, opposite the site of the present
village of Mount Morris. He remembers the old peo-
ple saying that he was two years old when the great
council was held at Geneseo, or Big Tree, in 1797.
He distinctly recalls the announcement, borne by
fleet-footed runners to the scattered Indian villages,
that Little Beard, the barbarous and bloody war-chief,
was dead, and recollects seeing the excited Indians
firing off volleys in the direction of the great eclipse of
the sun which followed that event, and which was
attributed by the superstitious natives to the malign
agency of Little Beard, who, it was hoped, would take
alarm at the firing and desist from his fell purpose.
Tfiomas proved an affectionate and dutiful son, and,
in strange contrast with the sloth and haughty con-
tempt of labor which early characterize the young
warrior, he delighted to aid his mother in her unremit-
ting toil and rude husbandry.
-Though physically powerful and constitutionally
brave, he had no ambition to achieve distinction as a
warrior, and he early lost all relish for the games and
pagan dances in which ordinarily the soul of the
young Seneca revelled.
In 1828 the last of the Senecas turned their backs
upon their beautiful valley and sought the more
western reserves of their people. Thomas in the
mean time had married, and was the owner of a com-
fortable dwelling house, teams of horses and herds of
kine, and broad acres, which he had rendered exceed-
ingly fruitful by his toil and skill.166 These he was
MARY JEMISON. 203
forced to abandon, for the chiefs sitting in solemn con-
clave with the hungry palefaces had ceded all away.
He came to the Buffalo Creek Reservation in the
year 1828, and built a large and commodious house,
which is still standing on the Buffalo and Aurora
Plant Road, about three miles from the present City
Hall in Buffalo. The tide of emigration, which had
then commenced to flow westward, rolled by the
house of Thomas, it being situated on the most fre-
quented highway leading from the postal town of
Buffalo in the direction of Ohio. Thomas' large,
capacious house, with its comfortable surroundings,
was a vision of beauty to the wayworn pilgrims
passing by and on whom it beamed a smile of wel-
come. In short, the rites of hospitality were practised
by Mr. Jemison to such an extent as to threaten him
with financial ruin. He was at length prevailed upon
to take a moderate compensation for the food and
shelter which his heart had so long prompted him to
bestow as a gratuity. Thenceforth, in addition to
being a successful farmer, he became a publican as
well, and thrived apace in this double capacity.
When the Indians, by means of arts which history
has already stamped as infamous, were betrayed into
ceding away the Buffalo Creek Reservation, Thomas
migrated with his people to the banks of the Catta-
raugus, where he has ever since resided, and where
that rare good fortune, born of integrity and industry,
has ever since attended him.
It is not known how many descendants of the White
Woman are now living, but they are sufficiently nu-
merous to form a distinct clan of themselves. The
name Jemison is at once the most common and the
most honorable patronymic among the modern Sene-
204 LIFE OF
cas, and of this numerous family the oldest, and by
tacit consent the chief, is Thomas Jemison, or Buffalo
Tom. When it is remembered that he was born in a
bark wigwam and reared amid pagan darkness, at a
time when his nation, wasted and broken by a deso-
lating war, was fast falling into decay, that it was
his fate to live in that transition period in the history
of the Iroquois which witnessed the exchange of the
old barbaric virtues for the deadily vices which afflict
civilized communities, his career must assuredly be
regarded as an exceedingly creditable if not remark-
able one. Jemison was wise enough to seize upon the
prizes which civilization proffered, and to firmly resist
the allurements of its vices. He never drank, never
gambled, and was never under the dominion of any
degrading habit. His reputation for truth and in-
tegrity was never assailed, and his example of patient
but enlightened industry, and fore-handed thrift, has
been of incalculable benefit to his people. In fact, it
would seem that the virtues which adorned the char-
acter of the grandmother, after lying dormant for one
generation, had blossomed into rarer beauty in the
next.
Mr. Jemison resides about half a mile distant
from the Cattaraugus Mission House, in a two-story
frame dwelling, which differs little from the ordinary
abode of well-to-do farmers in the New England or
Middle States. The house stands a few rods back
from the highway, and the intervening space is filled
with shrubbery, and protected from the street by a
neat picket fence. The house is flanked on one side
by a building constructed of hewn logs, with a roof
which, in the fashion of the old class of Indian dwell-
ings, projects four or five feet from the main front wall,
MARY JEMISON. 205
so as to perform the office of a porch. The former
proprietor of this ancient building was a white
captive known as Hank Johnson, who with his Dela-
ware wife, inhabited it many years, and is renowned
in local traditions for his valor as a warrior and his
many chivalrous virtues. To the right of this vener-
able edifice, which is now used as a granary, is a
neat carriage house with open wings for the shelter
of teams and wagons. In the rear of the house is
an enormous shed, where, sawed and split and neatly
piled, is a twelve-months' supply of fuel; and beyond,
surrounded by well-fenced fields, and an extensive
orchard, are barns which overflow with plenty.157
It is the home of thrift and competence, and wears
a marvellously snug and contented look — no weather-
worn clapboards; no doors or windows or gates be-
reft of hinges and creaking out a dismal protest against
neglect; no plows, or other implements, unhoused
and rusting; no gaping fences to tempt four-footed
marauders; no gaunt, unruly kine, or lean, unkempt
horses — everything speaks of a vigilant, provident,
and prosperous farmer.
The interior of Mr. Jemison's house does not belie
the promise of its exterior. A stranger invoking its
hospitality, and ignorant of the race to which its oc-
cupants belong, will naturally stare with wonder, as,
in obedience to his call, a modest and neatly dressed
Indian maiden opens the door and invites him to
enter. He will be shown into a handsomely furnished
parlor with carpets, and chairs, sofa and centre table,
and whose walls are adorned with prints framed in
gilt and walnut. When invited to partake of their
fare he will be ushered into a spacious dining-room,
in the centre of which is a table spread with snowy
206 LIFE OF
damask and groaning under a profusion of well-cooked
and substantial viands. Everything is scrupulously
clean and an air of Quaker-like tidiness pervades the
apartment. A large family of handsome Indian men
and youths and maidens — for Buffalo Tom is a true
patriarch — sit down with him at this hospitable board,
presided over by the master himself, a tall, vigorous
old man, with shrewd yet kindly eyes peering at you
beneath shaggy eyebrows whose raven hue contrasts
strangely with the silvery whiteness of his ample locks.
An Indian girl stands behind her mistress, and
serves the table with a quiet facility and uncon-
scious grace that are beyond praise.
Should our imaginary guest sleep under this friendly
roof he will find a well-furnished chamber and a lux-
urious couch inviting to repose.
Should he engage the different members of this in-
teresting family in conversation, he will discover true
feminine refinement and delicacy of thought and feel-
ing shining through the maidenly reserve of the fe-
males; he will mentally note that the young men can
converse in English as intelligently as the majority of
white youths who have had the advantage of training
in the grammar schools, and he will be quick to dis-
cover, lurking through the imperfect English of Buf-
falo Tom, an honest candor, a quickness of apprehen-
sion, a robust good sense, and, moreover, a keenness of
wit which ever and anon flashes through and lightens
the conversation.
Mrs. Jemison is a full-blooded Seneca, and is a
granddaughter of a once famous chieftain, known to
the whites by the unromantic name of Sharp Shins,
who flourished at the period of the Revolutionary
War. She rarely attempts to speak in the English
MARY JEMISON. 207
tongue, and out of regard to this good mother the
Seneca is the language of her household.
It is gratifying to see so much happiness, and such a
degree of material prosperity attained by one who,
many years ago, was born a wild man in a rude hut
on the banks of the Genesee.
Considering the appalling difficulties which ham-
pered the young barbarian in competing with white
men, heirs of a thousand years of progress, we cannot £
but marvel at his triumph, nor refuse to pay our hom-
age to a character so innately pure and sweet, and yet
so strong.
Mr. Jemison, although a reverent man, does not
believe that the Christian religion, or its hand-
maid, education, is the sole panacea for the ills which
afflict his people. With so many glaring examples
around him of educated and Christianized Indians
relapsing into profligacy and barbarism, he can see
no safety for the young, no sure guarantee of a life of
comparative innocency and happiness, save in habits
of dogged industry. To such a degree is his mind
dominated by this idea, that he loses no opportunity
of enforcing his favorite apothegm that industry is
the mother of morality and happiness. No man could
be less tolerant of idleness and improvidence than he.
"Handsome Lake," the great modern prophet of
the Iroquois, to whose preaching Jemison listened in
his youth, was the Indian Mahomet who sought to
reconcile the precepts of holy living which Christ
taught with the old Indian superstition of a separate
creation and a distinct ultimate destiny. Jemison's
religion is the gospel of LABOR, of which, at the sacrifice
of much of his popularity among the slothful red men, he
has been the great apostle for more than half a century.
208 LIFE OF
CHAPTER III.»«
BY MRS. ASHER WRIGHT.
The last hours of the captive. — Mary Jemison desires to see
the missionaries. — Interview with Mrs. Wright. — A
mother's dying injunction asserts its influence. — The
captive's anguish at forgetting her mother's prayer. —
Dawn upon a troubled soul. — Personal appearance of
Mary Jemison. — Her character.
SOON after I came to the Seneca Mission on the
Buffalo Creek Reservation, in 1833, I was informed
that Mary Jemison had removed from her home on the
Genesee Reservation and was living near the Mission
station. As I had often heard of her history, I felt a
desire to see her, and was planning to pay her a visit,
when our interpreter called one day and told us he
had recently seen her and that she was anxious to see
some of the missionaries. I had been told that she
had never been interested in any efforts made to give
her religious instruction, and that in fact she was as
strong a pagan as any of the Indians, and was strongly
prejudiced against the Christian religion. I went to
see her the next day, in company with a young girl
who could interpret for me if necessary. I found her
in a poor hut, where she lived with her daughter.
There was a low bunk in one corner of the room, on
which she lay. It was made by laying a few boards
on some logs. A little straw was on the boards, over
HIOKATOO,
Mis. Jemison's second husband, as he appeared when at- |^J_
tired in his war dress. He died at Gardow Flats in **jjj;;
181 1, at the advanced age of 103 years. i^k^-
n'it
FAC-SIMILE FROM FIFTH EDITION, 1840
MARY JEMISON. 209
which a blanket was spread. She was curled up on
the bed, her head drawn forward, sound asleep, and
as she lay, did not look much larger than a child
ten years old. My interpreter told her daughter what
had brought us to her house. She said her mother
did want to see us very much, and she was glad we
had come. She then went to the bunk and tried to
awaken her mother, but she slept so soundly I feared
she would not succeed. After calling her repeatedly
she shook her with considerable force and partly raised
her up in her bed, and told her some strangers wished
to see her. After she was roused so as to recognize
us I went forward and shook hands with her and told
her who I was and why I had come. As soon as she
understood the object of my visit she said, with much
emotion: "I am glad to see you. A few nights ago
I was lying on my bed here, and I could not sleep. I
was thinking over my past life and all that had be-
fallen me: how I had been taken away from my
home, and how all my relations had been killed, and
of my poor mother and her last words to me." As
she went on her emotion increased, and sobs and
tears almost made her voice inaudible. "It was the
second night after we were taken by the Indians. We
were in the woods. We were very tired and faint with
hunger. My little brothers and sisters were asleep
on the ground. My mother drew me to her side, and,
putting her arm around me, she said: 'My child, you
are old enough to understand what a dreadful calamity
has come upon us. We may be separated to-night,
and God only knows whether we shall ever see each
other again. Perhaps we may be killed and you may
be spared. I want you to remember what we have
taught you, and, above all, never forget the prayer
2io LIFE OF
which you have always repeated with your little
brothers and sisters. I want you to say it every day
as long as you live. I want you to promise me you
will not forget.' I promised my mother that I would
do what she said, and then an Indian came to us and
led me away into the woods. My mother called after
me and said: 'Be a good girl, Mary, and God will
take care of you/ I lay down on the ground and
cried myself to sleep. Those were the last words my
mother ever spoke to me, and I never saw her face
again. I never forgot what she said, and the promise
I made. For a good many years I remembered the
prayer, and no matter where I was or how tired I was
I always repeated it every night. But as my cares
increased and I had to spend so much time working
hard to take care of my children and family, at last I
forgot some of the words, and was not sure that I said
any of it right, and gradually I left it off, and at last
I forgot it all, and the other night I began to think
about it, and I thought I had done very wrong to
break my promise to my mother, and now I do not
know how to pray." I think her idea was that there
was only that one prayer which would be acceptable
to God, and as she had forgotten that, there was no
hope that she could pray aright. "The more I thought
about it, the worse I felt, and I began to cry aloud,
and I said a great many times, 'O God, have mercy
on me.' My daughter told me to stop crying and go
to sleep, but I could not, because I felt so badly. I
think my daughter thought I was crazy. She did not
know what I felt bad about. The next day I sent
word to the missionaries that I wanted to see them,
for I thought they could tell me what I ought to say
when I pray, for I don't know what I ought to say,
MARY JEMISON. 211
since I have forgotten the prayer my mother taught
me." While she talked, the tears streamed down her
wrinkled cheeks, as she sat on the side of her low
bed, almost bent double. I told her she could not
have said anything more appropriate than "God, be
merciful to me." I told her of the infinite love of
God to us, and that He always hears the cry of those
who look to Him in trouble — that He knew all her past
life, and that He pitied her and would surely hear her
prayer. I then repeated the Lord's prayer in Eng-
lish. She listened, with an expression both solemn
and tender, till near the close, when suddenly it was
evident a chord had been touched which vibrated
into the far distant past, and awakened memories both
sweet and painful. She immediately became almost
convulsed with weeping, and it was some time before
she could speak. At length she said: "That is the
prayer my mother taught me and which I have forgot-
ten so many years." When she had regained her com-
posure, I read some passages of Scripture to her and
tried to explain the gospel plan of salvation, and com-
mending her to the care of Him who never breaks the
bruised reed, I bade her good-bye, little thinking it
would be my last interview with this interesting
woman.
I thought it a remarkable instance — the permanent
influence of a mother's teaching. Full three-quarters
of a century had passed since she made the promise to
her mother, which it was not strange she had not kept,
the memory of which was the means of rousing her
to enquire as to how she could approach God and
find peace. For, doubtless, this was what her poor,
long benighted mind craved: as does that of every
other human being, in this fallen world. From what
212 LIFE OF
we learned of her subsequent state of mind, from her
daughter and others, there is good reason to believe
that she died in the cheering faith of the gospel, and
not in the darkness of paganism, by which she had
been for so many years surrounded.
Mary Jemison must have been small in stature; she
had a very white skin, yellow or golden hair and blue
eyes. Her face was somewhat bronzed by long ex-
posure; but I noticed that at the back of her neck her
hair was a bright color and curly, and her skin very
white. Her hands and feet were small, her features
were regular and pleasing in expression.
From all that I have learned of her from those who
were for years contemporary with her, she possessed
great fortitude and self-control; was cautious and
prudent in all her conduct; had a kind, tender heart;
was hospitable and generous and faithful in all her
duties as a wife and mother. She must have possessed
an excellent constitution, as she endured unexampled
hardships and yet lived to the advanced age of ninety-
three.
My visit evidently excited and wearied her, and
she seemed quite exhausted and toward the last quite
sleepy; which warned me that I ought to bring it to
a close.169
O-NO-NEA GOS-HA-DA, OR CORN-HUSK SALT BOTTLE.
MARY JEMISON. 213
CHAPTER IV.»°
BY WILLIAM PRYOR LETCH WORTH, LL.D.
Additional particulars relating to Mary Jemison's parentage.
— Site of old homestead in Adams County, Pa. — Robert
Buck's grave. — Description of "White Woman's" per-
sonal appearance. — Dr. Munson's and Henry O'Reilly's
interviews with her. — Place where she was captured.
IN 1875 the editor of the Gettysburg Compiler pub-
lished an article in his paper descriptive of the troubles
the early settlers of Adams County, Pa., experienced
with the Indians. The following extract from this
newspaper article is of interest in connection with the
life of Mary Jemison.
"About a year ago we paid a visit to Buchanan
Valley, in the Soiith Mountain, this county, and
called upon, among others, Robert Bleakney and wife,
an aged and intelligent couple, whose knowledge of
local history is extensive and reliable. From them
we learned — as they have the facts from tradition
through generations of the family residing on the same
farm, corroborated by records in an old family Bible —
that about 1755, the Indians, still quite numerous on
the other side of the mountain, became troublesome
and threatened incursions among the whites. The
few settlers in what is now Buchanan Valley became
alarmed at the unfriendly attitude assumed by the
redskins, and several families removed from the moun-
tain, among them the Bleakneys, who went to ' Little
Conowago/ and remained there a year or two. A
2i4 LIFE OF
family by the name of Kilkennon, living where Samuel
McKenrick now does, had a goodly number of stout
boys, all well armed, and they thought they would
risk staying if the Indians should come. But, soon
after, the aspect of affairs became so alarming that
they left, and intended to take the Jemisons, who oc-
cupied the tract recently sold by Joseph I. Livers to
Francis Cole, with them, and went in that direction.
But, hearing much firing about Jemison's, they started
down the creek to a blockhouse erected by the whites
for protection, somewhere near where Samuel Hart-
man now resides, back of Arendtsville. Of the Jemi-
sons, the father and mother, with a daughter, were
carried off by the Indians; William Mann, who
worked there, was shot and killed; and two boys,
both small, crept into a hollow log and escaped. The
daughter was seen a number of years after by mis-
sionaries. She had married an Indian chief, but could
give no account of her parents, as they fell behind in
the march from the settlement and were probably
killed by their captors.*'
The foregoing is quoted in a longer article in the
Gettysburg Compiler of December 4, 1879, with the
following comment:
"Since the aoove was published, Mrs. Bleakney,
refreshing her memory, states that the man killed
on the day the Jemison family was abducted was
named Buck, not Mann."
This correction harmonizes with the account of the
tragedy published in the Pennsylvania Gazette of April
13, 1758, which says that Robert Buck was the
victim.14
The article above quoted was one of a series of four
by the Rev. William K. Zieber which appeared in the
Compiler on December 4, u, 1 8 and 25, 1879, under
the heading:
MARY JEMISON. 215
Local Indian History.
Buchanan Valley, Adams Co., Pa.
Abduction and Massacre of the Jemison Family by
the Indians in 1755.
From these articles, based largely on a copy of the
first edition of "The Life of Mary Jemison" which
had come into Mr. Zieber's possession, but also con-
taining original matter concerning local landmarks,
the following paragraphs are quoted:
The first settlements in the southwestern portion
of the territory now embraced in Adams County
were made by Scotch-Irish. About the year 1735, a
number of families established themselves near the
sources of Marsh Creek. Others soon followed, among
whom, in the year 1742 or 1743, were Thomas Jemi-
son and his wife, Jane Erwin, the parents of the
'White Woman/
"Thomas Jemison and wife were of honorable and
wealthy Scotch-Irish parentage. Leaving some port
of Ireland in the ship William and Mary, they reached
in due time the city of Philadelphia. When they
left the evergreen isle they had but three children,
two sons and a daughter. During the voyage another
daughter was born to them, whom they named Mary,
whose birth upon the stormy sea foreshadowed the
rough and sorrowful experiences she was subsequently
called to endure.
"Fond of rural life, having been bred to agricultural
pursuits, Thomas Jemison soon left Philadelphia for
what were then the frontiers of Pennsylvania, and
settled upon an excellent tract of land lying on Marsh
Creek. Being of industrious habits, he soon cleared a
large farm and reaped the fruit of his labors. For a
period of ten or eleven years, during which time two
or more sons were added to his family, this hardy pio-
neer led a busy and contented life in his home along
the foot of South Mountain.
216 LIFE OF
"In the autumn of the year 1754 Thomas Jemison
moved either to another part of his farm or to another
neighborhood, a short distance from his former abode,
into what is now known as Buchanan Valley. A
good house and a log barn were among the improve-
ments he found on the new farm. Among his neigh-
bors were James Bleakney, who survived until the
spring of 1821, dying in the 98th year of his age.
James Bleakney was the grandfather of Mrs. Robert
Bleakney, visited by the editor of the Compiler, and
subsequently by the writer. It was from this vener-
able ancestor that Mrs. Bleakney heard of the misfor-
tunes of the Jemison family, and learned where their
farm was located.
"For about twenty years from the first settlements
made on and along Marsh Creek, and in the secluded
valley enclosed in the heart of the South Mountain,
the sturdy settlers were allowed to sow and reap in
peace. But a storm was brewing, destined to burst
upon them, and for awhile to drive them from their
happy homes."
After giving an account of the capture of the Jemi-
son family by the Indians, Mr. Zieber writes thus re-
specting the burial-place of Mr. Buck whose name he
erroneously gives as William instead of Robert:
"William Buck, the murdered man, was buried by
the neighbors not far from the spot where they found
his body. The burial was a hurried one, for they had
other pressing work on hand. Last autumn, whilst
on a visit to Buchanan Valley in company with the
editor of the Compiler, the grave of this victim of In-
dian atrocity was pointed out to us. Two maple trees
standing at the edge of a shallow ravine mark his
resting-place. A large pile of stones, gathered in the
adjoining field, and bordering the grave, serve as a
rude and unpolished monument. The house and barn
occupied and owned by the unfortunate Jemison fam-
ily have both succumbed to the ravages of time, and
MARY JEMISON. 217
no vestige remains to tell where they once stood. A
few gnarled and decaying apple trees, so old that no
one now living there can tell when they were planted,
testify that once near by there stood a habitation.
But that solitary grave beside the maple trees, with
its cairn-like monument and its tragic history, is not
forgotten.
"With some hesitation we venture to relate what
was told us, viz., that those who plow among the old
apple trees are wont to uncover a spot where the soil
has the color of blood, indicating the place where the
kindly earth received the crimson drops trickling from
the wounds of the murdered Buck."
It is a matter of regret that no pencil sketch or
other picture from life was ever taken of Mary Jemi-
son. The fact that nothing of the kind exists gives
greater interest to every description of her personal
appearance or characteristics by those who have seen
her or visited her in her home. William B. Munson,
M.D., of Independence, Ohio, in reply to an inquiry
made by Mr. Letchworth for such information as
would be useful in preparing a statue of Mary Jemi-
son, wrote, October 12, 1876, as follows:
"According to the picture which I have in my
mind of her, she had the shape, form, and figure of an
active, lively little old woman, seventy-five or eighty
years of age, about four and a half feet in height, ex-
hibiting the remains of a fair complexion and regular
features that had been in youth extremely beautiful.
The cheek bones were not prominent, nor was the
chin, and the nose was not large; but, considering
her age, all these features were quite symmetrical.
The head was of medium size, covered with gray hair
smoothed backward; the neck was not long, but in
due proportion to the size of her head and body;
the shoulders were rounded and stooping forward or
bent, a position which might have been acquired, or
15
2i8 LIFE OF
have been brought about by the manner of bearing
burdens customary with Indian women, and from age
and the effects of hardships encountered throughout
her eventful life. The eyesight had become dim, but
the features had not become wrinkled as much as
might have been expected from the many troubles
and sorrows endured by her.
"The 'White Woman' was quite intelligent, soci-
able, and communicative, but grave and serious after
the manner of the Indians with whom her life from
early childhood had been spent. With familiar ac-
quaintances she would join in lively conversation and
brisk repartee. Mentioning to her upon one occasion
that I had read the history of her life, and that it had
interested me very much, 'Ah, yes!' she replied,
' but I did not tell them who wrote it down half of
what it was.' It was thought at that time that she
withheld information which the Indians feared might
stir up against them the prejudices of the white
people.
"In making visits to the 'White Woman' we were
in the habit of taking along some trifling presents for
her. At one time we carried along a bottle of best
Madeira wine. She manifested her grateful acknowl-
edgment of the gift, and, taking the bottle of wine,
went and hid it carefully away from the Indians.
"She was residing in her own blockhouse, superin-
tending preparations of provisions for a journey to
Buffalo, about the last time I saw her, shortly before
the final departure of the Indians from the Genesee
country. She was assisted in the work by her daugh-
ter Polly and a number of young papooses. They had
a large brass kettle swung over an open fire of wood
upon the hearth. The kettle was filled with boiling
fluid. Sitting, standing, and squatting around a
large wooden trough filled with hominy made into
dough, the mother, daughter, and grandchildren were
busily engaged in making up balls of dough from the
kneeding-trough and incorporating therein plenty of
dried apples and pumpkin which lay beside the
trough. As the balls were made up they were tossed
MARY JEMISON. 219
into the boiling kettle, and when deemed thoroughly
cooked, were taken out and laid upon boards or pieces
of bark. I remember the food had a savory odor and
appeared to be very good; but we could not vouch
for the palatableness of the delectable dumplings, as
they offered none of them to us. In viewing the prep-
aration of this food, however, we saw most beauti-
fully and satisfactorily solved the problem which so
long muddled and belabored the brains of King
George the Third, namely, the mystery of how the
apple got into the dumpling.
"The last time I remember seeing her was late in
the fall season. She was habited in woollen petticoat
and short gown that came mid-leg below the knees,
buckskin leggings and moccasins, and, over all, a
white, common woollen Indian blanket. It was just
at night, and she was going in search of a stray In-
dian pony, and was led by a young Indian, one of her
grandchildren. She went spatting through the rivu-
let of ice-cold water just north of the house, and
although her sight was so dim she could scarcely see,
to all appearance, to discern in twilight twice the
length of a horse, on she went, in spite of every ob-
stacle, with the same energy and determined purpose
that had characterized her whole life."
Mr. Henry O'Reilly, the historian, in writing to
Mr. Letch worth in 1883, referred to De-he-wa-mis in
the following sympathetic strain:
"My acquaintance with Mary Jemison and my
visits to her cabin while I was her neighbor in the
upper Genesee Valley are among the pleasantest
recollections of my life. The fact that I came in boy-
hood from that part of Ireland where her parents
dwelt made her conversations with me particularly an-
imated and enthusiastic. My last visit to her was
made when she was about ninety years old, and her
remarks to me then furnished to my mind a striking
illustration of the proneness of aged persons to recur
220 LIFE OF
to the phraseology of their youth. Heaven rest her
gentle spirit !"
BY EDWARD HAGAMAN HALL, L.H.D.
At the request of the Reviser of the 1918 edition of
"The Life of Mary Jemison," the writer of the follow-
ing pages visited Adams County, Penn., in June, 1918,
with a view to getting such information as might
enable him to indicate the place of Mary Jemison's
capture more definitely than it is indicated in the
foregoing pages.
According to the captive's narrative (page 19), the
Jemison family first settled on a large farm "lying on
Marsh creek" (see note No. 9 on "Marsh Creek");
but in the autumn preceding her abduction, they
moved to either another part of the farm or another
neighborhood a short distance from their former abode
(page 21). In his article in the Gettysburg Compiler
in 1875, before quoted, the Rev. William K. Zieber
identified the site of the Jemisons* second home as
the "tract recently sold by Joseph I. Livers to
Francis Cole" in what is now Buchanan Valley. It
was the task of the present writer to locate this tract,
the position of which was so well known to Mr. Zieber
from personal visits but so imperfectly described by
him.
The following statements are based, first, upon a
careful reading of Mr. Zieber's article in the original
files of the Gettysburg Compiler; second, upon research
in the office of the Recorder of Deeds for Adams
County in the courthouse at Gettysburg; third, upon
interviews with persons familiar with local history
and traditions; and fourth, upon a personal visit to the
MARY JEMISON. 22!
place which, for convenience, may be called the
Jemison farm. Thanks to the advice and geograph-
ical directions given by William Arch McClean, Esq.,
counsellor-at-law and proprietor of the Gettysburg
Compiler, at the beginning of the investigation, the
inquiry was greatly facilitated. In looking over the
files of this weekly paper, which celebrated its cen-
tennial anniversary in 1918, it was interesting to note
the high literary quality of its contents — an indication
of the character not only of its editors but also of the
inhabitants of Adams County, some of them con-
temporaries of the Jemisons, who in successive genera-
tions have been its readers for a century past.
Among the articles entitled to share in this en-
comium are those by Mr. Zieber concerning Mary
Jemison. His statement in regard to the identity of
the place where she was captured has peculiar value,
for his authority on that point was Mrs. Robert
Bleakney whose information was obtained in person
from her grandfather, James Bleakney; and as James
Bleakney was a contemporary and neighbor of the
Jemisons, this source of information is so direct that
in the absence of anything to the contrary, it must
be accepted as reliable. As both Mr. Zieber and Mrs.
Bleakney are now dead, the reader who is interested
in the details of the story of Mary Jemison will have a
deep appreciation of the historical zeal which led the
former to record in the Gettysburg Compiler the results
of his interview with the latter, and thus preserve
the identity of a spot having such a dramatic history.
The farm on which Mr. Zieber thus authoritatively
locates the scene of Mary Jemison's capture lies in the
angle formed by the confluence of Sharp's run and
Conewaeo Creek, in the township of Franklin, in
222 LIFE OF
Adams County, Perm., about ten miles in an air line
northwest of Gettysburg. While this site is nearer
to Conewago Creek than Marsh Creek, the nearest
headwaters of the two streams are not a mile apart,
and the place is near enough to the latter to warrant
the expression used in the contemporary account of
the tragedy in the Pennsylvania Gazette of April 13,
1758, which speaks of "Thomas Jamieson's at the
head of Marsh creek."
The history of this tract may be traced back as far
as 1794 in the archives in the office of the Recorder
of Deeds of Adams County in the courthouse at
Gettysburg, but as Adams County was set off from
York County in 1800, records prior to that date must
be sought in York County.
On October 24, 1794, William Sharp — probably he
after whom Sharp's run is named — by an instrument
of writing recorded in the office for recording of deeds
in York County, in Book DD, page 32, conveyed to
George Campbell a tract "containing 303 acres and
the usual allowance of six acres per cent."
On April 19, 1798, Campbell sold the property to
Peter Bregner.
On December 30, 1799, Bregner conveyed it to
Peter Greckler (or Greckeler).
On January 20, 1800, Greckler conveyed it to
Philip Stambaugh, who willed it to his sons Jacob,
Henry, and John.
On March 15, 1816, Jacob and Henry Stambaugh
conveyed it to John Lowstetter (or Lohstetter) for
the sum of $3,030. This conveyance, recorded at
page 199 in Book H of Deeds at Gettysburg, recites the
previous titles.
By virtue of a warrant of the Court of Common
MARY JEMISON. 223
Pleas of August 15, 1818, the Sheriff of Adams County
seized the estate of Lowstetter to satisfy a debt of
$639.28 plus interest which Lowstetter owed to Henry
Harbaugh and Peter Stem, administrators of Yost
Harbaugh, deceased; and it was sold at public
auction to Jacob Harbaugh, the highest bidder, for
$700. It was conveyed by the deed poll of the
Sheriff, Barnhart Gilbert, bearing date April 20, 1822,
and recorded in Book L, at folio 377, in the Recorder's
office at Gettysburg. The property is described as
adjoining John Weaver, Daniel Noel, and others, and
on it were two dwellings, a barn and a new saw-
mill with appurtenances.
On January 27, 1831, Harbaugh conveyed the prop-
erty to Samuel Brady, Sr.
On July 20, 1842, Samuel Brady, Sr., conveyed it to
Samuel Brady, Jr.
On March 30, 1867, Samuel Brady, Jr., conveyed
it to Joseph I. Livers.
On May 2, 1874 — which was "recently" with re-
spect to the Rev. Mr. Zieber's article in the Gettysburg
Compiler in 1875 — Livers conveyed to Francis Cole, for
the consideration of $3,500, a portion of the above
described tract containing 105 acres and 14 perches,
less 7 acres and 30 perches sold to Abner D. Kuhn,
or a tract of 97 acres and 15 perches "neat measure."
On August 24, 1901, Cole sold the farm to John
Francis Dillon who occupied it and adjacent property
in 1918.
The farm can be reached by two or three routes
from Gettysburg, but it may be doubted if any
could be more convenient and interesting than that
followed by the writer when he visited the place in
June, 1918. Leaving Gettysburg by the Chambers-
224 LIFE OF
burg Pike and crossing the historic Seminary Ridge
with its many monuments and cannon marking the
scene of the battle of July I, 1863, one gets his first
glimpse of Marsh Creek as he crosses it about three
and a half miles from the city. A half a mile farther,
at the little hamlet of Seven Stars, the route turns
northward and leads through Mummasburg to
Arendtsville (see page 214) and thence northwest-
ward through Bridgeport to the Narrows. The latter
is a deep passage between Big Hill and Bear Mountain
through which Conewago Creek escapes from Bu-
chanan Valley. At the Narrows the writer paused
to interview the family of James C. Cole, and received
helpful information from the former owners of the
Jemison farm as to its present ownership and location.
From the Narrows, the road emerges into Buchanan
Valley, named after the fifteenth President of the
United States who was born at Mercersburg in the
adjacent county of Franklin. Here the road turns to
the southwestward, and in the next two and a half
miles crosses the Conewago three times. Just before
reaching Sharp's Run one comes to an old farm road
which leads off from the main thoroughfare north-
westward toward Conewago Creek and which the
name on the rural free delivery letter-box indicates to
be the way to Mr. Dillon's home. Mr. Dillon's house
stands on the east side of Sharp's Run, about midway
between the public road and the Conewago. In June,
beautiful red roses bloom in profusion in the door-
yard, and the pilgrim may pick delicious cherries and
mulberries from the trees in the surrounding orchard.
Upon learning the mission of the writer, Mr. and
Mrs. Dillon and their married daughter extended to
him the most generous hospitality. Mr. Dillon, who
A SENECA WARRIOR
In the costume of the Iroquois.
MARY JEMISON. 225
is familiar with the traditions of the place, took evi-
dent pleasure in pointing out its landmarks and was
unremitting in his attentions as a cicerone.
The traditional site of Mary Jemison's home at the
time of her capture, as pointed out by Mr. Dillon,
lies on the gently sloping west side of the little valley
of Sharp's Run, only a few rods from that small
stream, and about a quarter of a mile from Conewago
Creek. At the time of the writer's visit the place
of the terrible tragedy of April 5, 1758, was covered
with golden billows of wheat ready for the harvest.
The "shallow ravine" mentioned by Mr. Zieber is
that of Sharp's Run. The "two maple trees" which
marked the last resting-place of Robert Buck, who
was murdered at the time of Mary's abduction, were
cut down by Mr. Dillon about fifteen years ago, as
were also the "few gnarled and decaying apple trees,"
remnants of the Jemison orchard, mentioned by Mr.
Zieber. The "large pile of stones" marking the site
of Buck's grave is still there and serves as a lasting
if rude monument to preserve the identity of the site.
It is to be hoped that, as a worthy monument marks
the place in Letchworth Park, in New York State,
where Mary Jemison is buried, so some more suitable
memorial may sometime be erected to mark the spot
where her dramatic history, recorded in these pages,
began. Mr. Dillon referred to the red spot in the
wheat-field which, according to the tradition recorded
by Mr. Zieber, is due to the blood of the murdered
Buck; but he explained it on the more rational theory
that the earth was discolored by the burning of a
stump. More tangible and credible evidence of the
presence of Indians is afforded by the stone arrow-
points which people used to find in this vicinity.
226 LIFE OF
Mr. Dillon says that one neighbor found a beautifully
fashioned stone tomahawk head not far from the
scene of the Jemison tragedy several years ago.
Ascending to the top of the hill on which the wheat-
field and adjacent corn-field are planted, one has a
fine prospect of the broad and beautiful valley which
the flowing waters of the Conewago have eroded
during ages of geological time. The floor of the val-
ley at this point is about 1,250 feet above the level of
the sea. To the eastward lies Big Hill with an eleva-
tion of 1, 600 feet, while to the westward Piney Moun-
tain rises to a height of nearly 1,900 feet.
Although this region is called "mountainous," it
is not to be inferred that it is a wilderness. It abounds
in broad valleys and smiling fields planted with
wheat, oats, corn, and potatoes in their season and
is apparently excellent farming land. After visiting
the Conewago and Marsh Creek valleys, one can
readily understand why the Jemisons and other
pioneers came to this region and braved the perils of
frontier life to establish their homes in such a paradise.
Upon leaving the Jemison farm, the return route
led southwestward for a mile, northwestward about
three-quarters of a mile, and thence southwestward
about three miles to the Chambersburg pike which
was reached about a mile and a half west of Marsh
Creek Hollow. From this point the pike leads one
through a very picturesque region for a dozen miles
to Gettysburg, much of the distance being in sight of
Marsh Creek valley.
For the benefit of other pilgrims who may be
tempted to visit the shrine of Mary Jemison's girl-
hood it may be stated that the total distance traveled
by the writer in this roundabout trip from Gettysburg
MARY JEMISON. 227
to the Jemison farm and return was thirty-three
miles. The Chambersburg pike is a first-class State
highway, and the other highways just described are
good dirt roads. The scenery throughout the whole
distance is varied and picturesque, and well repays
the traveler.
GA-WEH'-GA, OR SNOW SHOE.
228 LIFE OF
CHAPTER V.i"
BY WILLIAM PRYOR LETCHWORTH, LL.D.
Interment of Mary Jemison's body in the Mission burial-
ground at Buffalo, N. Y. — Removal of her remains to the
Genesee river at Portage Falls. — Erection of a marble
monument over her grave. — A bronze statue placed upon
the monument.
MARY JEMISON was buried in the Mission burial-
ground near Buffalo, on the southerly side of the
yard, the grave looking toward the east. The bury-
ing-ground is much smaller than formerly, the old and
decayed boundary fence having been contracted to
within a few feet of where she was buried. Red
Jacket was interred near her grave. His remains
were removed to the Cattaraugus Reservation, and
subsequently to Forest Lawn Cemetery, Buffalo. A
large black walnut tree grew over the grave of the
" White Woman," its great branches extending pro-
tectingly over it and the spot where Red Jacket was
first buried. The grave was situated in the line of
one of the new streets of Buffalo, as appears by one
of the maps outlining projected enterprises, and the
onward march of improvement would doubtless in
time have brought the tramp of thousands of restless
feet to the spot.
The soil is that of a dry yellow loam. The grave
had doubtless been dug by the Indians, and was
MARY JEMISON. 229
not as deep as those usually made by white people.
The process of exhuming was directed by her grand-
son, "Dr. Shongo," and his instructions were scrupu-
lously observed. An excavation both wide and long
was made, in order to facilitate removal. Time, it was
found, had obliterated any elevation or depression of
earth over the grave, if it ever had been so marked.
A small fragment of the head-stone alone told of its
sacred precincts. About two and a half feet from the
surface of the ground fragments of decayed wood were
visible. They proved, upon close examination, to be
part of the original coffin, which was almost entirely
disintegrated by decay. Parts of the coffin could only
be recognized by a discoloration of the earth, where
the dark wood had mingled with the soil and become
a part of it. Its outline, however, was distinctly de-
fined. Every piece of the decayed coffin and the
minutest particle of its contents, including the earth
itself, were reverently and carefully lifted up, com-
mencing at the foot of the grave, and placed in the
same relative position in a new coffin; the undertaker
using for this purpose a broad shovel. The new coffin,
of solid black walnut, elegantly mounted in silver,
rested close beside the grave.
The bones which came under observation in process
of disinterment were clean and dry, and in some
cases almost disintegrated, as is usually the case when
subjected to the action of soil of this nature. The
cranium and jaw were perfect. The shape of the
chin betokened firmness, a/id the intellectual and
moral faculties, as indicated by the location and size
of the various organs of the brain, were largely de-
veloped. The hair upon the top of the head was
gray, thick, and short. At the back base of the skull
23o LIFE OF
there were a few soft, silken, yellow curls lying under-
neath the gray. The bright, soft curls hidden away
amid the trophies of age were noted by Mrs. Asher
Wright, the wife of the reverend missionary of this
name, in one of her visits to the "White Woman"
before her death. As Mrs. Wright saw her lying
upon her bed of skins and blankets in her log hut,
these curls stole out from their hiding-place, as her
withered fingers crept under her head, revealing at
the same time a bit of fair white skin, delicate as an
infant's, which shone in luminous contrast with her
deeply wrinkled sunburnt features, that had weath-
ered three-fourths of a century of sunshine and storm
and wigwam smoke. A pair of buckskin moccasins
contained a few delicate bones, all that was left of the
small, well-shaped feet that had served her in long and
toilsome marches through forest wildernesses. The
leather of the moccasins was perfect, but the thongs
with which they had been sewed and the cotton thread
used in embroidering the bead work upon them had
entirely decayed so that the parts were not held to-
gether. It was evident that she had been buried in
the costume in which she had been named by the
children of the forest when a lonely little girl on the
banks of the Ohio, an hundred years agone. The
broadcloth of which her leggings and skirt had been
made was unmistakably distinguishable, although
but in very small fragments. It was of fine texture.
The bottom of the leggings had been hemmed with a
narrow silken ribbon, originally either pink pr scarlet,
upon which small white beads were embroidered.
This silken binding was almost as perfect as when
made. A somewhat similar silken border or hem em-
bellished the broadcloth skirt. This border was like-
MARY JEMISON. 231
wise in a good state of preservation. Near the centre
of the grave was found a peculiarly shaped porcelain
dish, which probably contained when placed there,
articles of food. In the dish was a wooden spoon
greatly decayed. The spoon was between four and
five inches long, having a wide, shallow bowl. The
dish was of the size of a small dinner plate, and was
shaped like an ordinary tea saucer. It was white and
ornamented at equal intervals with pale blue sprigs or
blossoms. These were doubtless provided by her
Indian relatives to supply her with food while jour-
neying to the Indian's happy hunting-grounds.
The entire contents of the grave having been duly
gathered and placed in a new coffin, the lid was
secured, and it was conveyed by the undertaker, as
directed by "Dr. Shongo," to the Erie Railway depot,
whence it was conveyed to Castile Station, Wyoming
County, N. Y., and the day following re-interred with
appropriate ceremonies near the old Council House of
the Senecas on the Genesee River, near the Upper
Fails of the Genesee. At the time of the Indian
Council held within this historic building on the 1st
of October, 1872, Thomas Jemison, a venerable grand-
son of the deceased, planted a black walnut tree at
the spot which is now the foot of her grave. The nut
from which this tree grew came from the tree which
sheltered the old Jemison grave on the Indian Mission
ground. The black walnut coffin is enclosed in a stone
sarcophagus, which is closely sealed with cement. At
the close of the ceremonies which took place at the
re-interment on the Genesee, the coffin was opened,
and "Dr. Shongo" took therefrom a lock of hair from
the head of his deceased relative. With this exception
all that was once mortal of the "White Woman of the,
232 LIFE OF
Genesee," and all that her grave contained in the old
Mission burying-ground, are held in the stone sar-
cophagus buried near the old Council House.
[Buffalo Courier, Monday Morning, March 10, 1874.]
The remains of Mary Jemison, or Deh-he-wa-mis, commonly
known as the "White Woman of the Genesee," were taken up
last week from the old Mission burying ground at Red Jacket, near
Buffalo, where they had been buried about forty years ago, and
conveyed to the neighborhood of her home and life-long associations
on the Genesee River. The stone that had marked her grave had
been nearly destroyed by remorseless relic hunters, by whom it
had been broken and carried away piece by piece until but a small
portion of it remained above the ground. It was feared by those
interested in preserving whatever pertained to the history of this
remarkable character that in a few years all trace of her resting
place would be obliterated.
The removal of the remains took place under the direction of
James Shongo, a favorite grandson of the deceased, son of her
daughter Polly by marriage with John Shongo. James was born
under the "White Woman's" roof, and was a member of her family
during his boyhood, and was present at her death and funeral.
He also assisted in the removal of his grandmother to Buffalo,
at the time she left the Gardeau Reservation, a few years prior
to her death.
The spot selected for the final resting-place of her remains is a
high eminence on the left bank of the Genesee River, overlooking
the Upper and Middle Falls. The point is one commanding the
finest views of the picturesque scenery of Portage — including both
the Upper and Middle Falls and railroad bridge. Upon this
eminence and quite near to her present grave is the ancient Seneca
Council-house, removed a year or two since from Caneadea,
within which it is believed Mary Jemison rested for the first time
after her long and fatiguing journey of six hundred miles from
Ohio, during which she carried her infant upon her back. The
re-interment took place on Saturday afternoon in the presence
of a large concourse of people, some of whom were old citizens from
the Reservation which she once owned, who had known her during
her life and held her memory in esteem. The remains were borne
from Castile village to the old Council-house, within which ap-
propriate exercises were conducted by Rev. W. D. McKinley of
Castile. They consisted of the reading of selections from Scripture,
a brief but very interesting reminiscence of the eventful life of
the subject, and prayer. From the Council-house the remains were
GA-ON-SEH, OR BABY FRAME
MARY JEMISON. 233
taken to the grave, a few feet northerly of the building. The
following gentlemen officiated as pall-bearers:
GEORGE WHEELER, BENJAMIN BURLINGHAM,
D. W. BISHOP, JOHN PETER KELLEY,
GILES DAVIS, ISAAC McNAiR.
Mary Jemison's former residence on the Gardeau Flats is but a
few miles from the spot where her ashes now repose, and the
murmur of the Genesee may be heard as one stands by her grave
as she heard it during nearly seventy years that she lived upon its
banks.
[From the Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, March 10, 1874.]
In our issue of Saturday last we made reference to the "Dese-
cration of an Old Grave." As the circumstances were reported
to us by a prominent member of the police force, whose information
it seems was based on mischievous reports, an air of mystery was
thrown about a common-place transaction, that left the parties
participating in it in an undeservedly reprehensible position. The
facts, as we have since gathered them, are substantially these:
The grave referred to was that of Mary Jemison, whose Indian
name was Deh-he-wa-mis. She was commonly called by the early
settlers of Western New York "The White Woman of the Genesee."
It seems that for several years past James Shongo, a favorite
grandson of the "White Woman," had contemplated removing the
remains of his grandmother from their late precarious resting-
place to some spot more remote from the encroachments of modern
improvements. In this laudable desire his wishes have been
seconded by others of her kindred. "Dr. Shongo" is a son of
Polly and George Shongo, and grandson of a noted Indian who was
principal chief at Caneadea in the old Indian wars. Polly Shongo
was the youngest child of the "White Woman." She lived with
her mother from the time of her marriage until her mother's death,
and afterwards retained the old homestead until the Indians re-
moved to the Cattaraugus Reservation. "Dr. Shongo" was
born under the "White Woman's" roof upon the Gardeau Reserva-
tion, in the present town of Castile, and but two or three miles
from the lower falls at Portage. He spent his boyhood about
her person, and she is said to have been very fond of him, always
desiring to have him near her. He assisted in removing her to
Buffalo at the time she reluctantly left her home on the Genesee
River, in 1831, only two years before her death. He was by her
side in her last moments and was a sincere mourner at her funeral.
He is now fifty-three years of age, and it is but natural that filial
affection should desire what others interested in perpetuating his-
16
234 LIFE OF
tory would like to see accomplished — namely, the preservation of
her grave.
The stone which has marked it for forty years past had been
ruthlessly destroyed by relic-seekers. Only a small portion of it
was visible above the ground. It was liable at any time to be
cast aside, and when this should happen all traces of one whose life
was filled with extraordinary events would have been lost, except
as it existed in memory and upon the pages of history. The process
of exhuming took place on Friday last by Mr. Kraft, undertaker,
under the direction of "Dr. Shongo," whose wishes were particu-
larly observed throughout. The remains, which were but slightly
distinguishable, were conveyed to the Erie R. R. depot the same
day. They were taken to Castile Station in charge of "Dr.
Shongo," and the same afternoon and during Saturday afternoon
from Castile Station to the Genesee River, followed by a numerous
cortege in carriages, comprising the best citizens of Castile and
from "The Reservation," a number of whom knew the "White
Woman" when alive, and held her memory in respect.
The following persons acted as pall-bearers:
GEORGE WHEELER, BENJAMIN BURLINGHAM,
D. W. BISHOP, JOHN PETER KELLEY,
GILES DAVIS, ISAAC McNAiR.
The remains were taken within the old log Council-house of the
Senecas, now occupying a high eminence overlooking the Upper
and Middle Falls at Portage. Within this ancient relic brief
exercises were conducted by the Rev. W. D. McKinley of Castile,
consisting of the reading of selections from Scripture, and a short
reminiscence of the eventful life of Mary Jemison; the whole closing
with prayer. The remains were deposited a few feet northerly from
the Council-house, beside a black walnut tree, planted a few years
since by the hand of Thomas Jemison, son of the "White Woman's "
oldest son Thomas, who is now a feeble old man. A similar tree
opposite the westerly entrance to the building was planted by
John Jacket, a descendant of Red Jacket, and another at the easterly
door was planted by Mrs. Osborne, a descendant of Capt. Brant,
in which task she was assisted by one of Buffalo's most honored
citizens, whom at this moment we reverently mourn.162
We are informed that it is the intention of the proprietor of the
land about her grave to erect thereon a suitable monument or
other fitting memorial.
So far from deserving any censure, the conduct of " Dr. Shongo,"
grandson of this remarkable woman, in thus endeavoring to per-
petuate the earthly abiding-place of his relative, is highly praise-
worthy. Others who may have aided him in carrying out this un-
selfish purpose are certainly entitled to great commendation.
MARY JEMISON. 235
Soon after the removal of the remains of Mary Jern-
ison to the Indian Council House grounds a marble
monument, the design for which was approved by her
grandson, James Shongo, and some other of her de-
scendants, was erected at the grave by the proprietor
of the Council House grounds. One of its sides bears
the inscription upon the original tombstone. (See
page 196.)
Another side is inscribed as follows:
TO THE
MEMORY OF
MARY JEMISON,
Whose home during more than seventy years of a life of
strange vicissitude was among the Senecas upon
the banks of this river; and whose history,
inseparably connected with that of this valley, has
caused her to be known as
On another side is the following inscription:
The remains of
"THE WHITE WOMAN"
were removed from the
Buffalo Creek Reservation
and reinterred at this place
with appropriate ceremonies
on the 7th day of March, 1874.
Over the grave, and conforming to its shape, is a
curbing of stone slabs, the centre space being filled
with earth to form a flower-bed. The stones are un-
hewn and but a few inches thick. They were, how-
ever, rude headstones, once used to mark the graves
in the Indian burial-ground near the house of Mary
236 LIFE OF
Jamison's daughter Nancy on the Gardeau Reserva-
tion. After Mary Jemison left the reservation the
burial-ground was ruthlessly desecrated. A barn was
built in the midst of the graves, and, in excavat-
ing for the foundation, the bones of many of the
silent occupants were recklessly scattered over the
surface of the ground, presenting at one time, accord-
ing to an eye witness, a shocking sight. The grave-
yard was plowed over and the headstones of the graves
were used in constructing a culvert in the highway
near by. With the consent of the highway commis-
sioner these were removed by the editor of this edition
some years since and placed about Mary Jemison's
grave in the manner just mentioned. In the bed thus
formed wild flowers were planted by Shongo.
BY CHARLES DELAMATER VAIL, L.H.D.
In the foregoing pages of this chapter, written by
Dr. Letchworth in 1877, he has modestly refrained
from mentioning that he gave Mary Jemison's re-
mains a resting-place on his own estate. Mr. Letch-
worth made his first acquisition of land at this place
in 1859, and gradually increased his estate until it
comprised about 1,000 acres, lying on both sides of
the Genesee River for a distance of about three miles
and including the three famous Portage Falls. In
1907 he gave this superb tract to the State of New
York for a public park, upon condition that it should
be in the custody of the American Scenic and Historic
Preservation Society, retaining a life tenancy until
his death, nearly four years later.
Mary Jemison's grave is on a small elevated plateau,
MARY JEMISON. 237
which is called the Council House Grounds from the
ancient log Council House of the Senecas which
stands a few feet to the southeastward. The Council
House formerly stood at Caneadea. It was purchased
by Dr. Letchworth October 5, 1871, and removed to
its present site in the spring of 1872. A short dis-
tance southwest of the grave is a similar building, a
log cabin which Mary Jemison built on the Gardeau
Reservation about 1800 for one of her daughters. It
was given to Dr. Letchworth in July, 1880, by Mr.
John Olmsted when it was threatened with destruc-
tion and Dr. Letchworth removed it to the Council
House Grounds for preservation.
This spot, sacred to Mary Jemison's memory, is
almost an ideal sanctuary for her remains. The little
clearing is encircled by the forests which she knew.
The Council House, which she passed on her journey
to the Genesee Valley, and the log cabin which she
built for her daughter, were objects familiar to her.
Her grave is bordered by ancient stones which once
marked the graves of the people among whom she
lived. In a vista through the trees to the southward
can be seen the Upper Fall which she saw. The only
artificial object in sight which was unknown to her is
the monument erected to her memory.
At the foot of the heights whose crest constitutes
the Council House Grounds, but not visible from
those grounds, is the Glen Iris residence, the home of
Dr. Letchworth for over half a century — an old-
fashioned but inviting and romantic building, still
extending its hospitality to the visitor to Letchworth
Park, and breathing yet of the genius of the philan-
thropist who once dwelt therein. Just to the north-
westward of the residence is the new stone Library
238 LIFE OF
and Museum, containing many relics of the period
in which, and of the people among whom, Mary Jem-
ison lived.
Dr. Letchworth had such a keen appreciation of
the character of the White Woman of the Genesee
that he was not content with providing a quiet spot
for her last resting-place and placing over it a marble
monument. His wish to do more to honor the memory
of the heroic woman is expressed in the following
letter, delivered by him to the American Scenic and
Historic Preservation Society on September 19, 1910,
when his wish was consummated in the dedication
of a beautiful bronze statue of Mary Jemison which
was placed on the marble monument.
"To the American Scenic and Historic Preservation
Society, greeting:
"When, in 1874, the remains of Mary Jemison were
placed beside the ancient Indian Council House of the
Senecas on the grounds now included in Letchworth
Park, only the marble base of the monument which
it was intended should mark her final resting place
was erected. It was then my purpose to complete
the monument, as soon as circumstances would per-
mit, by placing thereon a bronze statue of this
unfortunate and heroic woman. With this object in
view I set about obtaining all possible information
respecting the personal characteristics of Mary
Jemison from persons who knew her intimately and
had frequently visited her in her home, but it was
not until recent years that I could give sufficient
attention to the subject to take actual steps towards
the accomplishment of my long-cherished plan. After
careful and deliberate consideration and many con-
ferences with the eminent sculptor, Mr. H. K. Bush-
Brown, it was arranged that he should undertake
the task of making the statue. Mr. Bush-Brown
spent much time in studying his subject, and the
MARY JEMISON. 239
model which he produced was pronounced historically
correct by Professor Arthur C. Parker, Chief of the
Archaeological Department of the New York State
Museum; and as a work of art it was approved by a
committee of the National Sculptors' Society and also
by a committee of the American Scenic and Historic
Preservation Society consisting of Honorable Charles
M. Dow, chairman of the Letchworth Park Com-
mittee, George F. Kunz, Sc.D., Ph.D., President,
and Edward Hagaman Hall, L.H.D., Secretary of the
Society. For the kindly services rendered by all those
interested in the development of the statue I beg to
make my grateful acknowledgments.
"When the statue was completed in July last it was
placed by Mr. Bush-Brown on the marble base where
it now stands, and subsequently was made per-
manently secure by the Messrs. Bureau Brothers,
bronze founders, of Philadelphia, the work being
done in such a manner, with the use of bolts and
cement, as to make the statue an integral part of
this memorial to Mary Jemison.
"It is my intention and desire that this bronze
statue of Mary Jemison shall always remain where it
is now placed, and that it shall remain as much a part
of these lands and grounds as the grave itself. It
has become in law a part of the real estate and passes
under your control and management at the same time
and upon the same conditions as the rest of the
property.
"Respectfully,
"WILLIAM PRYOR LETCHWORTH.
" Letchworth Park,
"Township of Genesee Falls, N. Y.
September 19, 1910.'*
The statue is of bronze, somewhat larger than life
size. It represents the white girl as she is believed
to have appeared, arriving at the Genesee, dressed in
Indian garb, carrying her Indian babe on her back,
24o LIFE OF
and a small bundle in her right hand. Her attitude
and the flow of her drapery indicate the motion of
walking. The features of Mary Jemison were mod-
eled from those of a girl who was of Scotch-Irish
ancestry and who was about the same age as Mary
Jemison when she arrived at the Genesee. The face of
the babe, showing the distinct Indian cast of features,
was modeled after a life study of an actual descendant
of Mary Jemison. The dress represented in the statue
is similar to those worn by the Shoshonean women
and perhaps other western tribes. As Mary Jemi-
son commenced her memorable journey from Ohio
she possibly wore a dress of this character. The baby
board (ga-os-ha) is of the Iroquois type and was
modeled from specimens in the American Museum
of Natural History and New York State Museum.
The hoop over the face serves the double purpose of
forming a frame for covering the baby's face and for
a protection should a limb crash against it or the
board fall when placed on the ground against a tree.
The wrappings about the baby are arranged in two
bands which, in the originals, are always of different
colors, usually red and blue. A covering for the face is
arranged to be drawn over the hoop and cover the
child's face. In the statue this is pushed back against
the mother's shoulders to allow the face of the babe
to show. The bands are modeled from specimens
then in the New York State Museum, once owned by
Flying Feathers, a Tonawanda Seneca. The breast
band or head band which holds the baby board was
modeled from one collected in 1853 by Lewis H.
Morgan, the first great Indian student and father of
the science of American anthropology. The original
was woven of elm bark shreds, warp and woof of one
* £
II
X 3
O J
£ t«
MARY JEMISON. 241
material, and was in the New York State Museum
collection. The side pouch was modeled from the
Red Jacket side pocket which in the original was doe
skin embroidered with porcupine quills. The wooden
ladle just above it is a characteristic spoon of the
Senecas. The belt was modeled from a unique
specimen and the decorations are of moose hair and
porcupine quills. It was a Morgan specimen. The
leggings were modeled from a pair collected at Tona-
wanda and are typical. The moccasins were designed
from a rare pair collected by Mr. Morgan.
On the base of the statue is Mary Jemison's Indian
name — Deh-ge-wa-nus.
The dedicatory exercises were opened with an invo-
cation by the Rev. Louij H. Peirson of Castile, N. Y.,
after which addresses were delivered by Charles M.
Dow, LL.D., of Jamestown, N. Y., Chairman of the
Letchworth Park Committee of the American Scenic
and Historic Preservation Society; George Frederick
Kunz, Ph.D., Sc.D., of New York City, President
of the Society; Edward Hagaman Hall, L.H.D., of
New York City, Secretary of the Society; Mr. Arthur
C. Parker of Albany, N. Y., archaeologist of the
New York State Museum; Charles Delamater Vail,
L.H.D., of Geneva, N. Y., a Trustee of the custodian
Society; Professor Liberty Hyde Bailey of Ithaca,
N. Y., Dean of the New York State College of
Agriculture at Cornell University; and Mr. H. A.
Dudley of Warsaw, N. Y., who saw Mary Jemison
in 1831. Mr. Letchworth's letter of presentation,
before quoted, was read, as was a letter from Mr.
Bush-Brown, the sculptor. The statue was unveiled
by Mrs. Thomas Kennedy and Miss Carlenia Bennett
- Mrs. Kennedy being the daughter of Thomas Jemi-
242 LIFE OF
son, grandson of the child represented on Mary
Jemison's back, and Miss Bennett being of the sixth
generation from Mary Jemison. Mr. Peirson pro-
nounced the benediction.
On the following morning an Indian dedicatory
ceremony was held.
An extended account of all these ceremonies is to
be found in the Sixteenth Annual Report of the
American Scenic and Historic Preservation Society
published in 1911.
The dedication of the statue of Mary Jemison was
the last occasion on which Dr. Letchworth appeared
in public. He died less than three months later, on
December I, 1910, and was buried in Forest Lawn
Cemetery in Buffalo, N. Y. It was as if in the com-
pletion of his plan adequately to fix in lasting memory
the name of the White Woman of the Genesee he
he reached the consummation of his wish and himself
had lain down to rest.
SARCOPHAGUS ENCLOSING THE REMAINS OF "THE WHITE WOMAN.
MARY JEMISON. 243
CHAPTER VI."'
BY WILLIAM HOLLAND SAMSON. 164
Mary Jemison's last will and testament. — Sale of her rights
in 17,927 acres of the Gardeau Reservation recalled. —
Personality of the Indian witnesses of the will.
ALTHOUGH many editions of the narrative of the
life of Mary Jemison which James E. Seaver wrote
ninety-three years ago have been published, each
more complete than its predecessor, and thousands
of newspaper articles have been written about her
extraordinary career, the subject is by no means
exhausted. The Rochester Post-Express published
many contributions to her history, but none more
interesting than the article which it printed on De-
cember 15, 1894, containing the text of the last will
and testament of the White Woman of the Genesee.
This document, which had never been printed before,
was in the possession of Hon. William C. Bryant of
Buffalo, through whose courtesy the Post-Express
was enabled to obtain a copy. Following is the text
of the will and the comments thereon as they ap-
peared in the Post-Express:
In the name of God, Amen. I, Mary Jamison,
of the town of Castile, in the county of Genesee, and
244 LIFE OF
state of New York, being of sound mind and perfect
memory (blessed be Almighty God for the same),
and considering the uncertainty of this mortal life,
do make and publish this my last will and testament
in manner and form following (that is to say, viz.:)
I will that all my debts and funeral charges be paid
out of my goods and effects. I give and bequeath to
my beloved daughters, Nancy Jamison, Betsey
Jamison and Polly Jamison, in equal proportions,
and to their heirs forever, the three quarters of the
principal and interest of a certain bond and mortgage
executed by Jellis Clute and Micah Brooks for the
sum of four thousand two hundred and eighty-six
dollars, dated September 3d, 1823. I also give and
bequeath to George Jamison, Jacob Jamison, John
Jamison, Thomas Jamison, 2d, Jesse Jamison, Peggy
White, Jane White, and Catharine Jamison, the
children of my beloved son, Thomas Jamison, de-
ceased, the other remaining one-fourth part of the
principal and interest of the bond and mortgage of
the said Clute and Brooks, to them and their heirs
forever. I also will and bequeath to my three
daughters above named, in equal portions, the re-
mainder of my goods and effects, and I hereby appoint
Jellis Clute, of Moscow, my sole executor of this my
last will and testament — hereby revoking all former
wills by me made. In witness whereof I have here-
unto set my hand and seal this third day of September,
1823, one thousand, eight hundred and twenty-three.
her
(Signed) MARY X JAMISON (L.S.).
mark.
Signed, sealed, published and declared by the
above-named named Mary Jamison to be her last
will and testament in the presence of us who have
hereunto subscribed our names as witnesses in the
presence of the testator. The words "three-quar-
MARY JEMISON. 245
ters" in the I3th line and the words "one-fourth"
in the 22d line interlined before signing.
(Signed) MICAH BROOKS,
WILLIAM CLUTE,
THOMAS CLUTE,
his
POLLARD X
mark,
his
JAMES X STEVENS.
mark
STATE OF NEW YORK, ) r
ERIE Co., \ ss'
I, Israel T. Hatch, surrogate of the county of Erie,
do hereby certify that in pursuance of chapter 6th,
Title i, Article I, Part 2, of the Revised Statutes of
the State of New York, upon the proofs and examina-
tions taken at the surrogate's office in the city of
Buffalo and county of Erie on the 29th day of De-
cember, 1834, and 27th day of April, 1835, by the
testimony of Micah Brooks, Thomas Clute, William
Clute, James Stevens and Pollard, subscribing wit-
nesses to the last will and testament of the said Mary
Jamison, deceased, and of James Stryker, Manning
Stryker, John Ricord and Seneca White, that the
said will was duly executed and that at the time
of executing the same the testatrix was in all re-
spects competent to make a will and of full age and
not under any restraint, and in all respects competent
to devise real estate. I further certify that the will
and proofs thereof are recorded in the surrogate's
office in the county of Erie, in Liber 2 of Wills at
pages 102, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9.
In testimony whereof I, the surrogate
aforesaid, have hereunto set my hand and
[SEAL] affixed my seal of office this 7th day of
April, 1835.
I. T. HATCH,
Surrogate.
246 LIFE OF
It will be observed that the will was made
on the day that Jellis Clute and Micah Brooks
executed the mortgage for $4,286. This mortgage
formed part of the consideration for the purchase
by these men of all Mary Jemison's right, title,
and interest to the 17,927 acres of the Gardeau
Reservation, with the exception of a tract two
miles long and one mile wide lying on the Genesee
River, which she reserved for her own use, and
one lot of land which she had promised to give
to Thomas Clute for his faithful guardianship over
her property.
This sale was the conclusion of negotiations extend-
ing over seven years, for it was in 1816 that Micah
Brooks, of Bloomfield, and Jellis Clute, of Leicester,
first proposed to buy the land which lay in an unpro-
ductive state. Many obstacles presented themselves.
To begin with, it was necessary that Mary Jemison
should become naturalized, so she could make a legal
conveyance, and to this end a special act of the
Legislature was necessary. Then it was discovered
that the assent of the Seneca chiefs must be obtained
to the sale and that this assent must be given at a
council under the superintendence of a commission
appointed by the President of the United States.
The Council was held at Moscow, Livingston County,
September 3, 1823, Major Carroll, Judge Howell, and
Nathaniel Gorham being the commissioners, Jasper
Parrish the Indian agent, and Horatio Jones the in-
terpreter. According to Mary Jemison's narrative,
Henry B. Gibson was associated with Brooks and
Clute in the purchase and, among other considerations,
they bound themselves to pay Mary Jemison, her
heirs and successors $300 a year forever. Jellis Clute,
MARY JEMISON. 247
one of the purchasers, was made sole executor of her
will.
Captain Pollard, called in Seneca, Ga-oun-do-wah-
nah, meaning Big Tree, one of the witnesses to the
execution of the will, was a famous Seneca chief,
scarcely inferior to Red Jacket as an orator, and the
noblest of the Senecas after the death of Cornplanter.
He was one of the fiercest warriors in the Wyoming
massacre, and during the Revolution participated
actively in border warfare. In his old age — a tall,
benevolent man with features and complexion ap-
proaching the type of southern Europe — he was a
devout Christian and took an active part in the
prayer-meetings in the little chapel on the Buffalo
Creek Reservation, and, unlike Red Jacket, was an
earnest advocate of civilization. About the year 1820
Soongiso, or Tommy Jemmy, armed with the un-
written decree of the Seneca council, put to death a
squaw accused of witchcraft. He was arrested and
imprisoned in Buffalo. The next morning a band of
angry warriors gathered in the streets of that city.
"Among them," says Mr. Bryant in his biography of
Orlando Allen, "was Sagoyewatha, or Red Jacket,
who addressed them with fiery invective, lashing the
Indians into fury by his artful and fiery eloquence.
A massacre seemed imminent, but just then the tall
form of Captain Pollard was seen moving through the
multitude. Commanding silence by a gesture, he
urged the assembled warriors, in a temperate and
eloquent speech, to disperse to their homes and
remain quiescent until an appeal to the white man's
law and sense of justice should prove ineffectual. His
voice was obeyed. The subsequent trial and ac-
quittal of Tommy Jemmy were a triumph to Red
248 LIFE OF
Jacket, and a vindication of the assailed sovereignty
of the Seneca nation." The Hon. Orlando Allen, of
Buffalo, who knew Pollard well, said: "He was one
of the most honest, pure-minded, worthy men I ever
knew, white or red." Horatio Jones said that
"morally Pollard was as good a man as any white
minister that ever lived." Captain Pollard was a
half-breed, his mother being a Seneca and his father
an English trader whose headquarters were at Niagara.
He was a settler there in 1767 and a merchant there
in 1788. . His Indian name was Sha-go-di-yot-hah,"
"a man who incites them to fight." Captain Pollard
died of consumption on the Buffalo Reservation,
April 10, 1841.
James Stevens (his name usually appears in his-
torical records, and properly so, as Stevenson), who
was also one of the witnesses to the will, was a half-
breed like Cornplanter and Captain Pollard. His
mother was a Seneca princess, his father a Colonial
military officer. In one of his admirable contribu-
tions to the history of western New York, William C.
Bryant said : "When the Senecas decided to cast their
fortunes with the British, at the opening of the
Revolutionary War, Stevenson's mother was con-
strained by her fierce and jealous relatives to abandon
the hated offspring in the woods, near Cayuga Lake,
and the agonized parent, with the rest of her family,
was hurried to the British post, Fort Niagara. Her
poor babe, but little more than three years old,
wandered for two days in the woods subsisting on
such wild berries as chance threw in his way. When
almost famished, a kind Providence directed the poor
child's steps to a rude hut on the banks of the lake,
which was the home of an Indian recluse — a Penobscot
MARY JEMISON. 249
hunter who had wandered far from the home of his
tribe in the wilds of Maine. This kind old man took
the child into his cabin, fed and nourished him,
taught him to fish and hunt, and treated him with
fatherly kindness. When the long and dreary war
was over, the babe, grown to be a handsome stripling,
took an affectionate leave of his adopted father, and
wandered back to Buffalo Creek, where he was soon
clasped in the arms of his delighted and weeping
mother." Chief Stevenson died a sincere Christian
December 28, 1845, aged about 87.
One of the witnesses examined when the will of
Mary Jemison was admitted to probate April 7, 1835,
was Seneca White, who was one of the most distin-
guished of the later series of chiefs and leaders of the
Iroquois. He was one of three brothers, all prominent
Senecas, and known respectively as Seneca White,
White Seneca, and John Seneca. Their father was a
white captive called "White Boy," or "Old White
Boy," of whom many pleasing anecdotes wTere related
by the early pioneers. Seneca White was frequently
called "The Handsome Seneca" to distinguish him
from the other members of the family of Seneca.
We quote once more from Mr. Bryant: "Mrs.
Asher Wright and her husband frequently spoke with
admiration and affection of 'Old White Boy.' His
first great sorrow occurred when he was engaged in
play with his little red companions and they ac-
quainted him with the fact that he was of a different
color, and belonged to the hated race of palefaces.
He came home sobbing to his Indian mother who
confessed to him that he was not her son except by
adoption. At that time he formed a resolution, to
which he adhered all his life, that he would by a
250 LIFE OF
blameless and beneficent life make the name White
Boy loved and respected by the most inveterate
enemies of his race." Seneca White was called
Nis-ha-nye-nant in Seneca, meaning "fallen day/'
He died May 19, 1873, aged about 91.
GA-GEH-TA, OR BELT.
MARY JEMISON. 25!
CHAPTER
BY EBENEZER Mix.
Geographical names. — Dialects of the Iroquois. — Little
Beard's Town. — The Genesee Valley. — Land slide. —
Gardeau Flats — Subsequently Mary Jemison Reserva-
tion.— Mount Morris. — Big Tree Village. — Caneadea.
HAVING conducted the principal subject of our nar-
rative to Genishau, or Little Beard's Town,166 on the
banks of Genesee River, whereon, within the space of
twelve miles along that stream, she has since resided
seventy-two years of her life — this likewise being the
ground on which most of the scenes we are about to
relate, whether of joy or sorrow, pleasure or pain,
whether ludicrous or horrible, were enacted — we will
give the reader a brief geographical sketch of the
country, and point out the localities, and those in the
surrounding country, most of which have already
been, or will hereafter be, referred to in this narrative.
It will be understood that, in describing Indian vil-
lages, etc., we have relation to their state then; for
some of them have long since been deserted by the
Indians and demolished by the whites; and at this
time, 1842, all those on the Genesee River have
ceased to exist, scarce leaving a memorial or trace to
point out the spot on which they stood. It will like-
wise be observed that the distances herein given are
252 LIFE OF
according to the Indian trails or paths usually traveled
by them in that early day.
A few remarks on Indian names and the Indian lan-
guage, in this place, may be serviceable to the reader
who is unacquainted with the significant properties of
Indian proper names, and the monotonous sounds and
full aspirations of the language of the Iroquois. It
has been often observed that a great discrepancy
exists among writers, not only in the spelling, but in
the necessary pronunciation of Indian names of the
same persons or places. It requires but a short ex-
planation to elucidate the cause of this difficulty.
Among the Six Nations, not only each nation con-
verses in a different dialect, but each tribe in the
same nation have peculiarities in their language not
common in the other tribes, although probably not
varying more than the dialects in many of the counties
in England.
All Indian names, whether of persons or places, are
significant of some supposed quality, appearance or
local situation; and the Indians having no written
language originally, denominated persons and places
in conformity to such quality, etc., in their own
dialect.
The better to be understood, we will mention a
particular case or two, which will give a full explana-
tion to the position assumed: Red Jacket, the cele-
brated Indian orator, had six or seven different, and
in some instances very dissimilar Indian names, as
written or spoken; but they all meant, in the dialect
to which they belonged, "Keeper Awake." The
same remarks will apply to the name of the creek
which empties into Genesee River, near Mount
Morris, generally called Canniskrauga,167 which has
MARY JEMISON. 253
four or five other quite different Indian names, all
meaning the same, in English, to wit, "Among the
slippery-elms," as the creek bore the name of an
Indian village through which it passed, the village
having been named from its local situation.
These explanations were obtained some years since,
from the late Capt. Horatio Jones, who was one of the
best, if not the best Indian linguist in the country;
and his explanation had an influential bearing in an
important land trial, as that creek had been called
by several very different Indian names in the old
title-deeds of large tracts of land. In order to have
a correct idea of the pronunciation of Indian names,
they must be divided into as many monosyllabical
words as there are syllables, for so they originally were,
and an h added to almost every syllable ending with a
vowel. Therefore, as is the case in the pronunciation
of all sentences composed of words of one syllable
only, all difference of accent is destroyed, and the
Indians use very little difference of emphasis. For
example, take the original name of Canandaigua, as
now spelled and pronounced in the Seneca language,
Cah-nan-dah-gwah.168
Formerly, in using Indian names, it was necessary to
pay some attention to the Indian pronunciation, so as
to be understood by the aborigines; but as they, to-
gether with their languages, are fast fading from
among us, that necessity no longer exists. Therefore,
it becomes necessary to Anglicise such names, and
make them conform to the English pronunciation in
as soft and smooth sounds as possible, to which the
letters composing the word, when written, should be
made to correspond.
Little Beard's Town, where Mary Jemison first re-
254 LIFE OF
sided when she came to Genesee River, was the most
considerable Indian village, or town, in its vicinity.
We have no means at this time of ascertaining, or even
estimating its extent or population; but tradition,
as well as Mary Jemison, informs us, that it covered
a large territory for a village, and that it was thickly
populated.
Its chief, or ruler, was Little Beard — a strong-
minded, ambitious, and cruel man; and an arbitrary
and despotic ruler.
This village stood near the north end of the twelve
miles in length heretofore mentioned, on the Genesee
Flats, on the west side of the river, between the present
villages of Genesee and Moscow, about midway,
although nearest to Moscow, and near the site of the
new village of Cuyler, on the Genesee Valley Canal.
The tract of country around its site has the most
delightful appearance imaginable, considering there
are no lofty snow-clad peaks, deafening cataracts, or
unfathomable dells, to stamp it with the appellation
of romantic. The alluvial flats through which the
river meanders for four or five miles above and many
miles below are from one mile to two miles wide, as
level as a placid lake, and as fertile, to say the least, as
any land in this state. Thousands of acres of these
flats were cleared of their timber when Indian tradi-
tion commences their description. These flats are
encompassed on each side by a rolling country,
gradually rising as it recedes from the river, but in
no place so abrupt as to merit the cognomen of a hill.
This was the terrestrial paradise of the Senecas; and
to this tract they gave the name of Gen-ish-a-u,
Chen-ne-se-co, Gen-ne-se-o, or Gen-ne-see, as pro-
nounced by the different Indian tribes, and being
MARY JEMISON. 255
interpreted, all meaning substantially the same, to
wit: Shining-Clear-Opening, Pleasant-Clear-Opening,
Clear-Valley, or Pleasant-Open-Valley. From this
favorite spot Genesee River took its name; and these
flats, at that early period, assumed and still continue
to retain exclusively the name of Genesee Flats, as a
distinction from Gardeau, Caneadea, and other flats
which bear local names although lying on the same
river.
Genesee River rises in Pennsylvania and, after enter-
ing this state, pursues its course with some rapidity,
a little west of north, through a hilly country, forming
little, if any, alluvial flats, until it approaches Bel-
videre (Judge Church's villa near Angelica,) about
twenty miles from Pennsylvania line. From thence
it continues the same general course with less rapidity,
winding its way through flats of a greater or less
width, to a point in Caneadea, about thirty-three
miles from Pennsylvania line, following the general
course of the river, where it alters to east of north,
which direction it pursues until it falls into Lake
Ontario. From Belvidere to this bow, or rather
angle in the river, and from the angle to the falls
below Portageville, the flats are enclosed on each side
by high lands, although not precipitous or lofty. The
river continues to run with moderate rapidity through
flats from this angle to near Portageville, where the
highlands close in to the river banks.
At Portageville, about fifteen miles from the angle
at Caneadea, begin the great Portage Falls in this
river. From the upper falls to Mount Morris and
Squawkie Hill, a distance of sixteen miles, the river
runs through a chasm, the sides of which are, the
greater part of the distance, formed by solid, and
256 LIFE OF
almost, or quite, perpendicular walls of rock, from
two to four hundred feet high. In some places, how-
ever, these walls diverge so far from each other as to
allow spots of excellent alluvial flats to be formed on
one side of the river or the other, and in some places on
both.
Immediately above the upper falls there exists all
the appearance of a ridge of rock having once run
across the river, in which case it would have raised
the water some two hundred feet above its present
level, and, of course, formed a lake from one to two
miles wide, and extending back over the Caneadea
and other flats, to Belvidere, a distance of twenty-
eight or thirty miles; but, if ever this was the case,
the river has, centuries ago, cut through this ridge,
and formed considerable rapids where it stood, above
and opposite Portageville. The river, after appar-
ently cutting through this ridge, precipitates itself
into the chasm below, by a somewhat broken, al-
though what would be termed perpendicular fall of
sixty-six feet. The stream at this place is about
twelve rods wide, after which it flows through the
chasm on a smooth rock bottom. Half a mile below
the upper falls, the river (where it is about fifteen rods
wide) again precipitates itself in an unbroken sheet,
one hundred and ten feet perpendicularly into a
deeper channel, forming the "Middle Falls." The
magnificence and beauty of these falls is not exceeded
by anything of the kind in the state, except the
cataract of Niagara. On the west side of the river,
at the top of the falls, is a small flat piece of land, or
rather rock, on which is a sawmill and several dwell-
ing-houses, which can be approached, down a ravine
from the west, with any kind of carriage. The
s -
MARY JEMISON. 257
stream pursues its course in the same direction, pent
within its rock-bound and precipitous shores, about
two miles, where it takes its third and last leap in
this vicinity, of ninety-three feet, into a still deeper
chasm, the greater body of water falling on the
eastern side, where a portion of it falls into a kind of
hanging rock basin, about one-third of the distance
down, and then takes another leap. This fall can be
approached on the east side by pedestrians with per-
fect safety.
The river then pursues its northeastern course,
through its deep and narrow channel, to Gardeau
Flats, about five miles from the lower falls. The
banks of the river, or rather the land bordering on the
chasm the greater portion of this distance, is covered
with elegant white and Norway pine. At the upper
end of the Gardeau Flats is the Great Slide, which
has been so often noticed as a great curiosity.
In the month of May, 1817, a portion of the land
on the west side of the river, thickly covered with
heavy timber, suddenly gave way, and with a tremen-
dous crash slid into the bed of the river, which is so
completely filled that the stream formed a new chan-
nel on the east side of it, where it continues to run.
This slide, as it now lies, contains twenty-two acres,
and has a considerable share of the timber that for-
merly covered it still standing erect and growing, al-
though it has suffered the shock produced by a fall
of some two hundred feet below its former elevation.
The Gardeau Flats are from eighty to one hundred
and twenty rods wide, and extend two miles and a
quarter down the river, lying mostly on the west side
of it. There are several ravines and depressions in
the high banks on both sides of the river at the upper
258 LIFE OF
end of these flats, so that a road has been made
which admits the passage of carriages from the high-
lands on one side of the river to the highlands on the
other, a bridge having been erected across the river:
this place above the slide is called St. Helena. Some
four miles below St. Helena is Smoky Hollow, con-
taining from two to three hundred acres of alluvial
flats, approachable from the west only with safety,
and in that direction through a ravine and down a
steep declivity: this was within Mrs. Jemison's
original reservation. Below this place three or four
miles, the river receives the outlet of Silver Lake.169
This lake or pond is a beautiful pellucid sheet of
water, three and a half miles long, and from half to
three-fourths of a mile in breadth, lying about four
miles west of, and several hundred feet above the
Genesee River, thereby creating a vast water-power
for so small a stream.
Some distance below the entrance of the outlet of
Silver Lake into the river is from twenty to twenty-
five acres of alluvial flats in a perfect dell. It was
purchased many years ago by a man who now resides
on it, although his land extends over the high bank,
and includes handsome level land there. It is certain
that he and his family do go in and out of this dell,
and that he gets in cattle and other domestic animals;
but it would test the science of an engineer to ascertain
how he effects it.
At the distance of eleven miles from St. Helena is
Mount Morris,170 on the right or eastern side of the
river, and Squawkie Hill on the left or western.
These are not mountains, or even hills, within the
common acceptance of the words, but merely a descent
of two or three hundred feet, and that not abrupt,
MARY JEMISON. 259
nor is its existence in any particular line of demarka-
tion observable, from the upper plateau of land
through which the depressed channel of Genesee
River runs down to Genesee Flats.
From Mount Morris and Squawkie Hill, where the
river disgorges itself from the thraldom of its rocky
and precipitous banks, it moves slowly, taking a
serpentine course through the Genesee and other
flats: the high grounds on each side gradually dimin-
ishing in height, and the alluvial flats decreasing in
width in proportion, until the stream merely flowc in
its shallow channel through a champaign country,
before it reaches the great falls at Rochester, near
forty miles from Mount Morris, where, after passing
the rapids, it falls ninety-six feet perpendicularly
into a chasm below, through which it flows one and
a half miles further and then passes two more per-
pendicular falls, within a short distance of each other,
the upper one of twenty-five feet and the lower of
eighty-four feet. At the foot of these falls the river
becomes navigable for steamboats, and runs slug-
gishly five miles through a deep ravine a portion of
the way to its mouth, where it disembogues itself
into Lake Ontario.
Big Tree m village, which bore the name of one of
its chiefs, was a small village lying a mile and a half
north of Little Beard's Town. Ten miles still further
down the river was situated Cannewagus 172 village,
a place of some note for a sub-village. This was the
residence of the patriarch Hot Bread.
Tonawanda Indian village, whose inhabitants have
always been remarkable for their peaceable and quiet
disposition, is situated on the Tonawanda creek, about
forty miles northwest of Little Beard's Town, on the
26o LIFE OF
great Indian trail from east to west passing through
this country. The Great Bend of the Tonawanda
creek, between Little Beard's Town and the Tona-
wanda village, where the village of Batavia now
stands, was a noted camping-ground for the Indian
while passing to and fro on this trail. Still further
northwest, thirty-two miles from Tonawanda village,
is Tuscarora village, inhabited by the most civilized,
agricultural, mechanical, and commercial tribe of the
Six Nations. Lewiston is three miles west of Tus-
carora village, and Fort Niagara is seven miles north
of Lewiston, making the whole route from Little
Beard's Town to Fort Niagara, following this trail,
eighty-two miles. From Lewiston seven miles south
was Fort Schlosser, a mere stockade fort; the Devil's
Hole being about midway between those two points.
Fort Schlosser was at the northern termination of the
navigable waters of the Niagara River above the
falls; and this seven miles from Lewiston to Schlosser
was the only place requiring land transportation for
men, stores, or merchandise, from Quebec to Fort
Mackinaw, or, indeed, from the Atlantic Ocean to
the end of Lake Superior. These forts, therefore,
Niagara and Schlosser, were considered very important
by the contending parties in olden times, the French
and the English.
From Tonawanda village about twenty-five miles
southwesterly lies the first Indian village on the Buf-
falo creek, along which and its several branches there
are a number of Indian villages and single wigwams.
Up the shore of Lake Erie in a southwestern direction,
about thirty-five miles from Buffalo creek, is the
village of Cattaraugus, situated on the creek of the
ame name, two or three miles from its mouth, being
MARY JEMISON. 261
about one hundred miles from Little Beard's Town,
following this circuitous trail, which was the one
always traveled by the Indians, unless an experienced
runner took a shorter cut, at his own hazard, in a
case of emergency.
East of Little Beard's Town are Conesus, Hemlock,
Candice, Honeoye, Canandaigua, and Seneca lakes;
five miles west of the foot of the latter stood the famous
Indian and tory headquarters, called the "Old Castle."
The foot of Canandaigua Lake is about ten miles west
of the Old Castle, and thirty-four miles east of Little
Beard's Town.
The Indian village of Can-ne-skrau-gah, meaning
"among the slippery-elms," was situated about four-
teen miles southeasterly of Mount Morris, on a creek
of the same name, which empties into Genesee River
near the latter place. This village stood on or near
the ground now occupied by the village of Dansville.
East of the junction of Genesee River and Canne-
skraugah creek, extending some distance up the river
and down the river, was a sparsely settled Indian vil-
lage or settlement, which appeared to be a kind of
suburb of Genishau, or Little Beard's Town.
Squawkie Hill village,173 lying about two miles south
of Little Beard's Town, was a great resort for the
Indians to enjoy their sportive games, gymnastic
feats, and civic festivals.
Caneadea Indian village, or rather villages, were
situated up the Genesee River on the Caneadea
Flats, beginning at the mouth of Wiscoy, meaning
"Many Fall," creek, twenty miles from Mount
Morris, and extending up the river, at intervals,
eight or nine miles, nearly to the great angle in the
river. From the southern end of Caneadea Indian
262 LIFE OF
settlement southwesterly about forty-five miles, on
the Alleghany River, is the small Indian village
called by Mrs. Jemison U-na-waum-gwa, but now
known as Tu-ne-un-gwan. Further down the river is
Kill Buck's Town, at the mouth of Great Valley
creek, and Buck Tooth's Town, at the mouth of
Little Valley creek. Below these is Che-na-shung-
gan-tan or Te-ush-un-ush-un-gau-tau, being at the
mouth of what is now called Cold Spring creek, in
the town of Napoli, Cattaraugus County, N. Y.
This village is about eighteen miles below Tuneung-
wan. Below these are several Indian settlements
along the river, the most considerable of which is
Cornplanter's settlement, extending several miles
along the river, Cornplanter himself being located
near the center.
Of the population of the several Indian villages and
settlements at the time Mrs. Jemison emigrated to
this section of country we can make no estimate;
and even in latter years, so wandering are the
habits of the Indians that a village may be filled to
overflowing, apparently, with residents, one month,
and be almost depopulated the next. Their manner
of lodging, cooking, and eating greatly facilitates
their migratory propensities, as one large cabin will as
well accommodate fifty as five. A deer-skin for a
bed, a large kettle for a boiler, hot ashes or embers
for an oven, a bark trough for a soup-dish and platter,
a chip for a plate, a knife (which each carries,) a sharp
stick for a fork, and, perhaps, a wooden spoon and
tin cup, comprehend a complete set of household
furniture, cooking and eating utensils. Even at this
day, the only time the number of individuals who
compose a tribe is known, or pretended to be known,
MARY JEMISON. 265
is when they are about to receive their annuities;
and it is then impossible to ascertain a "local habita-
tion or a name" for but few of the individuals for
whom annuities are drawn as belonging to such a
tribe.
The following statement of the numbers and loca-
tion of the Indians composing the Six Nations, in 1823,
is a specimen of the precision adopted in the transac-
tion of our public business relative to Indian affairs.
This account was obtained from Captain Horatio
Jones, who was the United States agent for paying the
annuities to the Six Nations.
The individuals belonging to the Six Nations, in the
State of New York, are located on their reservations
from Oneida Lake westward to Lake Erie and Alle-
ghany River, and amount to five thousand. Those
located in Ohio on the Sandusky River amount to six
hundred and eighty-eight, to wit: three hundred and
eighty Cayugas, one hundred Senecas, sixty-four
Mohawks, sixty-four Oneidas, and eighty Onondagas.
The bulk of the Mohawks, together with some of each
of the other five nations, reside on the Grand River,
in Upper Canada.
EAR RING.
264
LIFE OF
CHAPTER VIII.»«
BY LEWIS HENRY MORGAN, LL.D.
Indian geographical names in the territories of the Senecas,
Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks, with their
corresponding English names and their signification.
NUN-DA'-WA-O-NO'-GA,
OR THE TERRITORY OF THE SENECAS.
SENECA DIALECT.
CHAUTAUQUA COUNTY.
ENGLISH NAME.
Dunkirk,
INDIAN NAME.
Ga-na'-da-wa-o,
Cattaraugus Creek,
( Ga-da-ges-ga-o,
( Ga-hun'-da,175
Silver Creek,
Ga-a-nun-da'-ta, G.
Chautauqua Creek,
Ga'-no-wun-go, G.
Conewango River,
Ga'-no-wun-go, G.
Canadawa Creek,
Ga-na'-da-wa-o, G.
Cassadaga Creek,
Gus-da'-go, G.
Cassadaga Lake,
j Gus-da'-go,
( Te-car-ne-o-di',175
Chautauqua Lake,
Cha-da'-queh, T.
Cattaraugus,
Ga'-da-ges'-ga-o,
Alleghany River,
Great Valley Creek,
Little Valley Creek,
Oil Creek,
Ischuna Creek,
Oswaya Creek,
Burton Creek,
Lime Lake,
Ellicottville,
Burton,
SIGNIFICATION.
Running through the Hem-
locks.
Fetid Banks.
A Mountain leveled down.
In the Rapids.
In the Rapids. [locks.
Running through the Hem-
Under the Rocks.
Under the Rocks.
Place where one was lost.
Fetid Banks.
CATTARAUGUS COUNTY.
O-hee'-yo, G. The Beautiful River.
O-da'-squa'-dos-sa, G. Around the Stone.
O-da'-squa'-wa-teh', G.Small Stone beside a large one
Te-car'-nohs, G. Dropping Oil.
He'-soh, G. Floating Nettles.
O-so'-a-yeh, G. Pine Forest.
Je'-ga-sa-nek, G. Name of an Indian.
Te-car'-no-wun-do, T. Lime Lake.
De-as'-hen-da-qua, Place for holding Courts.
Je'-ga-sa-neh, Name of an Indian.
MARY JEMISON.
265
ENGLISH NAME.
INDIAN NAME. SIGNIFICATION.
Olean,
He'-soh, Same as Ischuna Creek.
Hasket Creek,
O-so'-a-went-ha, G. By the Pines.
Alleghany Village,
De-o'na-ga-no, Cold Spring.
Alleghany Village,
Jo'-ne-a-dih, Beyond the Great Bend.
Oil Spring Village,
Te-car'-nohs, Dropping Oil.
Bend Village,
Da'-u-de-hok-to, At the Bend.
Trail of the Eries,
Ga-qua'-ga-o-no, Wa-a'-gwen-ne-yuh.
ERIE COUNTY.
Two Sisters Creek,
Te-car'-na-ga-ge, G. Black Waters.
Caugwaga Creek,
Ga'-gwa-ga, G. Creek of the Cat Nation.
Smokes Creek,
Da-de-o'-da-na-suk'-to, G. Bend in the Shore.
Cazenovia Creek,
Ga-a'-nun-deh-ta, G. A Mountain flattened down.
Buffalo Creek,
Do'-sho-weh, G. Splitting the Fork.
Cayuga Creek,
Ga-da'-geh, G. Through the Oak Openings.
Ellicott Creek,
Ga-da'-o-ya-deh, G. Level Heavens.
Grand Island,
Ga-weh'-no-geh, On the Island.
Eighteen-Mile Creek,
Ta-nun'-no-ga-o, G. Full of Hickory Bark.
Murder Creek,
De'-on-gote, G. Place of Hearing.
Lake Erie,
Do'-sho-weh, T. Same as Buffalo Creek.
Buffalo,
Do'-sho-weh, Same as Buffalo Creek.
Black Rock,
De-o'-steh-ga-a, A Rocky Shore.
Williamsville,
Ga-sko'-sa-da-ne-o, Many Falls.
Clarence Hollow,
Ta-nun'-no-ga-o, Full of Hickory Bark.
Akron,
De'-on-gote, Place of Hearing. (Neuter
gender.)
Lancaster,
Ga-squen'-da-geh, Place of the Lizard.
Red Jacket Village,
Te-kise'-da-ne-yout, Place of the Bell.
Falls Village,
Ga-sko'-sa-da, The Falls.
Cattaraugus Village,
Ga-da'-ges-ga-o, Same as Cattaraugus Creek.
Carrying Place Vil.
Gwa'-u-gweh, Place of taking our Boats, or
Portage.
GENESEE AND WYOMING COUNTIES.
Tonawanda Creek,
Ta'-na-wun-da, G. Swift Water.
Aliens Creek,
O'-at-ka, G. The Opening.
Black Creek,
Ja-go-o-geh, G. Place of Hearing. (This is
feminine.)
Stafford,
Ya'-go-o-geh, Place of Hearing.
Batavia,
Deo-on'-go-wa, The Great Hearing Place.
Oakfield,
Te-car'-da-na-duk, Place of Many Trenches.
Alabama,
Ga'-swa-dak, By the Cedar Swamp.
Caryville,
Gau'-dak, By the Plains.
Pine Hill,
Te-ca'-so-a-a, Pine lying up.
Attica,
Gweh'-ta-a-ne-te-car'-
nun-do-deh, The Red Village.
Alexander,
Da-o'-sa-no-geh, Place without a Name.
Wyoming,
Te-car'-ese-ta-ne-ont, Place with a Sign-post,
18
266
LIFE OF
ENGLISH NAME.
INDIAN NAME.
SIGNIFICATION.
Pembroke,
O-a'-geh,
On the Road.
Le Roy,
Te-car'-no-wun-na-da'-ne-o, Many Rapids.
Darien,
O-so'-ont-geh,
Place of Turkeys.
Silver Lake,
Ga-na'-yat, T.
Signification lost.
Silver Lake Outlets,
Ga-na'-yat, G.
Signification lost.
Caneadea Creek,
Ga-o'-ya-de-o, G.
Same as Caneadea.
Warsaw,
Chi'-nose-heh-geh,
On the Side of the Valley.
Tonawanda Village,
Ta'-na-wun-da,
Swift Water.
Gardow,
Ga'-da'-o,
Bank in Front.
ALLEGANY COUNTY.
Genesee River,
Gen-nis'-he-yo, G.
The Beautiful Valley.
Wiskoy Creek,
O-wa-is'-ki, G.
Under the Banks.
Black Creek,
Ja-go'-yo-geh, G.
Hearing Place.
Angelica,
Ga-ne-o'-weh-ga-yat,
Head of the Stream.
Caneadea,
Ga-o'-ya-de-o,
Where the Heavens lean
against the Earth.
Caneadea Creek,
Ga-o'-ya-de-o, G.
Where the Heavens rest upon
the Earth.
Nunda,
Nun-da'-o,
Hilly.
Wiskoy,
O-wa-is'-ki,
Under the Banks.
O-wa-is-ki,
O-wa-is'-ki,
Under the Banks.
LIVINGSTON COUNTY.
Caneseraga Creek,
Ga-nus'-ga-go, G.
Among the Milkweed.
Conesus Lake,
Ga-ne-a'-sos, T.
Place of Nanny-Berries.
Conesus Outlet,
Ga-ne-a'-sos, G.
Place of Nanny-Berries.
Hemlock Lake,
O-neh'-da, T.
The Hemlock.
Hemlock Outlet,
O-neh'-da, G.
The Hemlock.
Geneseo,
O-ha'-di,
Trees burned.
Mount Morris,
So-no'- j o-wau-ga,
Big Kettle. (Residence of a
Seneca Chief.)
Dansville,
Ga-nus'-ga-go,
Among the Milkweed.
Livonia,
De-o'-de-sote,
The Spring.
Lima,
Ska-hase'-ga-o,
Once a Long Creek.
Avon,
Ga-no'-wau-ges,
Fetid Waters.
Caledonia,
De-o'-na-ga-no,
Cold Water.
Moscow,
Ga-neh'-da-on-tweh,
Where Hemlock was spilled.
Squawkie Hill,
Da-yo'-it-ga-o,
Where the River issues from
the Hills.
Site of Moscow,
Ga-neh'-da-on-tweh,
Where Hemlock was spilled.
Little Beard's Town,
De-o-nun'-da-ga-a,
Where the Hill is near.
Big Tree Village,
Ga-un-do'-wa-na,
A Big Tree.
Tuscarora Village,
O-ha'-gi,
Crowding the Bank.
Ganowauges,
Ga-no'-wau-ges,
Fetid Waters.
Site of Dansville,
Ga-nus'-ga-go,
Among the Milkweed.
Near Livonia,
De-o'-de-sote,
The Spring.
Site of Mount Morris,
So-no'-jo-wau-ga,
Big Kettle.
MARY JEMISON.
MONROE COUNTY.
267
ENGLISH NAME.
INDIAN NAME.
SIGNIFICATION.
Irondequoit Bay,
Ne-o'-da-on-da-quat,
A Bay.
Salmon Creek,
Ga'-doke-na, G.
Place of Minnows.
Sandy Creek,
O-neh'-chi-gSh, G.
Long ago.
Honeoye Creek,
Ha'-ne-a-yeh, G.
Finger Lying.
Rochester,
Ga'-sko-sa-go,
At the Falls.
Brockport,
Gweh'-ta-a-ne-te-car-
nun-do'-teh,
Red Village.
Scottsville,
O'-at-ka,
The Opening. (Same as Allen's
Creek.)
Honeoye Falls,
Sko'-sa-is-to,
Falls rebounding from an ob-
struction.
Ontario Trail,
Ne-a'-ga Wa-a-gwen-ne-yu, Ontario Footpath.
Indian Village at the
•
Bend,
Da-yo'-de-hok-to,
A bended Creek.
ORLEANS AND NIAGARA COUNTIES.
Oak Orchard Creek,
Da-ge-a'-no-ga-unt, G.
Two Sticks coming together.
Johnson's Creek,
A-jo'-yok-ta, G.
Fishing Creek.
Eighteen-MileCreek,
Date-ge-a'-de-ha-na-geh, G. Two Creeks near together.
Tuscarora Creek,
East Branch,
t Te-car'-na-ga-ge, G.
Black Creek.
Tuscarora Creek
West Branch,
>• De-yo'-wuh-yeh, G.
Among the Reeds.
Albion,
De-o'-wun-dake-no,
Place where Boats were burned.
Medina,
Date-geh'-ho-seh,
One Stream crossing another.
(Aqueduct on Canal.)
Middleport,
Te-ka'-on-do-duk,
Place with a Sign-Post.
Lockport,
De-o'-do-sote,
The Spring. (Referring to the
Cold Spring.)
Royalton Center,
O-ge-a'-wa-te-ka'-e,
Place of the Butternut.
Lewiston,
Ga'-a-no-geh,
On the Mountains.
Youngstown,
Ne-ah'-ga,
Supposed from O-ne'-ah, A
Neck.
Golden Creek,
Hate-keh'-neet-ga-on-da, G. Signification lost.
Niagara River,
Ne-ah'-ga, G.
Same as Youngstown.
Lake Ontario,
Ne-ah'-ga, T.
Same as Youngstown.
The word Ontario,
Ska-no' -da-ri-o, T.
The "Beautiful Lake." (This
is a Mohawk word, and On-
tario is a derivative.)
Niagara Falls,
Date-car'-sko-sase,
The Highest Falls.
Niagara Village,
Date-car'-sko-sase,
The Highest Falls.
Tuscarora Indian Vil
. Ga'-a-no-geh,
On the Mountains.
Seneca Indian Vil.
Ga-u'-gweh,
Taking Canoe out. (Carrying
place at the mouth of
Tonawanda Creek.)
268
LIFE OF
WAYNE AND ONTARIO COUNTIES.
ENGLISH NAME.
INDIAN NAME.
SIGNIFICATION.
Mud Creek,
Ga'-na-gweh, G.
Same as Palmyra.
Flint Creek,
Ah-ta'-gweh-da-ga, G
[merit.
Canandaigua,
Ga'-nun-da-gwa,
A Place selected for a Settle-
Canandaigua Outlet,
Ga'-nun-d2.-gwa, G.
A Place selected for a Settle-
ment, [ment.
Canandaigua Lake,
Ga'-nun-da-gwa. T.
A Place selected for a Settle-
Hemlock Outlet,
O-neh'-da, G.
Hemlock.
Honeoye Lake,
Ha'-ne-a-yeh, T.
Finger Lying.
Skaneatice Lake,
Ska'-ne-a-dice, T.
Long Lake.
Sodus Bay,
Se-o-dose' (Seneca)
Ah-slo-dose (Oneida)
r Signification lost.
Little Sodus Bay,
Date-ke-a'-o-shote,
Two Baby Frames. (From
Ga-ose'-ha, Baby Frame.)
Palmyra,
Ga'-na-gweh,
A Village suddenly sprung up.
Geneva,
Ga-nun'-da-sa-ga,
New Settlement Village.
Seneca Lake,
Ga-nun'-da-sa-ga, T.
New Settlement Village.
West Bloomfield,
Ga-nun'-da-ok,
Village on the top of a Hill.
Victor
Ga-o'-sa-ga-o,
In the Basswood Country.
Naples,
Nun'-da-wa-o,
Great Hill.
Near Geneva,
Ga-nun'-da-sa-ga,
New Settlement Village.
Canandaigua,
Ga'-nun-da-gwa,
Place selected for a settlement.
Near Naples,
Nun'-da-wa-o,
Great Hill.
YATES, STEUBEN, AND CHEMUNG COUNTIES.
Crooked Lake,
O-go'-ya-ga, T.
Promontory projecting into the
Lake. [Lake.
Crooked Lake Outlet,
O-go'-ya-ga, G.
Promontory projecting into the
Conhocton River,
Ga-ha-to, G.
A Log in the Water.
Chemung River,
Ga-ha'-to, G.
A Log in the Water.
Canisteo River,
Te-car'-nase te-o, G.
Board on the Water.
Bath,
Do-na'-ta-gwen-da,
Opening in an Opening.
Painted Post,
Te-car'-nase-te-o-ah,
A Board Sign.
Elmira,
Skwe'-do-wa,
Great Plain.
GWE-U'-GWEH-O-NO'-GA,
OR THE TERRITORY OF THE CAYUGAS.
PARTLY CAYUGA AND PARTLY SENECA.
Tioga Point,
Ithaca,
Cayuga Lake,
Aurora,
Canoga,
Cayuga Bridge,
Ta-yo'ga,
Ne-o-dak'-he-at,
Gwe-u'-gweh, T.
De-a-wen'-dote,
Ga-no'-geh,
Was'-gwas,
At the Forks.
At the Head of the Lake.
Lake at the Mucky Land.
Constant Dawn.
Oil floating on the Water.
A Long Bridge.
MARY JEMISON.
269
ENGLISH NAME.
Montezuma,
Rowland's Island,
Waterloo,
Seneca River,
Clyde River,
INDIAN NAME.
Te-car'-jik-ha'-do,
Ga-weh'-no-wa-na,
Skoi'-yase,
Swa'-geh, G.
Ga-na'-gweh, G.
Auburn,
Otter Lake,
Muskrat Creek,
Owasco Outlet,
Owasco Lake,
North Sterling Creek,
Sodus Bay Creek,
Site of Canoga,
Site of Union Springs,
Above Lockwood's
Cove,
Site of Ithaca,
Was' -co,
Squa-yen'-na, T.
Squa-yen'-na, G.
De-a-go'-ga-ya, G.
Dwas'-co, T.
Dats-ka'-he, G.
Te-ga-hone'-sa-o'-ta,
Ga-no'-geh,
Ge-wa'-ga,
Ga-ya'-ga-an'-ha,
Ne-o'-dak-he'-at.
SIGNIFICATION.
Place of Salt.
Great Island.
Place of Whortleberries.
Flowing out. (Some doubt
about the signification.)
River at a Village suddenly
sprung up.
Floating Bridge.
A Great Way up.
A Great Way up.
Place where Men were killed.
Lake at the Floating Bridge.
Hard Talking.
G. A Child in a Baby Frame.
Oil on the Water.
Promontory running out.
Inclined downward.
At the End of the Lake.
ONUN'-DA-GA-ONO'-GA,
OR THE TERRITORY OF THE ONONDAGAS.
Susquehanna River,
Owego,
Owego Creek,
Cortland,
Homer,
Owasco Inlet,
Tionghinoga River,
ONONDAGA DIALECT.
Ga'-wa-no-wa'-na-neh, G. Great Island River.
Ah-wa'-ga, Where the Valley widens.
Where the Valley widens.
Shagbark Hickory.
Ah-wa'-ga, G,
O-nan'-no-gi-is'-ka,
Te-wis'-ta-no-ont-sa'-
ne-a-ha,
Ka'-na-ka'-ge, G.
O-nan'-no-gi-is'-ka, G.
Place of the Silver Smith.
Black Water.
Shagbark Hickory.
ONONDAGA COUNTY.
Tully Lake,
Te-ka'-ne-a-da'-he,
T. A Lake on a Hill.
Tully,
Te-ka'-ne-a-da'-he,
A Lake on a Hill.
Apulia,
O-nun'-o-gese,
Long Hickory.
Skaneateles Lake,
Skan-e-a'-dice, T.
Long Lake.
Skaneateles.
Skan-e-a'-dice,
Long Lake.
Otisco Lake,
Ga-ah'-na, T.
Rising to the Surface,
and
again sinking. Legend
of a
drowning man.
Otisco.
Ga-ah'-na,
do.
Otisco Outlet,
Ga-ah'-na, G.
do.
Lafayette,
Te-ka'-wis-to'-ta,
Tinned Dome.
270
LIFE OF
ENGLISH NAME.
INDIAN NAME.
SIGNIFICATION.
Pompey Hill,
De-o'-wy-un'-do,
Wind Mill.
Pompey,
De-is'-wa-ga'-ha,
Place of Many Ribs.
Oil Creek,
De-o'-nake-ha'-e, G.
Oily Water.
Onondaga Creek,
O-nun-da'-ga, G.
On the Hills.
Onondaga West Hill,
Te-ga-che'-qua-ne-on'-
ta,
A Hammer Hanging.
Onondaga Hollow,
Te-o-ha'-ha-hen'-wha,
Turnpike crossing the Valley.
Marcellus,
Us-te'-ka,
Bitternut Hickory.
Nine-Mile Creek,
Us-te'-ka, G.
Bitternut Hickory.
Camillas,
O-ya'-han,
Apples split open.
Elbridge,
Ka-no-wa-ya,
Skull lying on a shelf.
Jordan Creek,
Ha-nan'-to, G.
Small Hemlock limbs on Water.
Jordan,
Ha-nan'-to,
Small Hemlock limbs on Water.
Cross Lake.
U-neen'-do. T.
Hemlock Tops lying on Water.
Fort Brewerton,
Ga-do'-quat,
(Oneida Dialect.) Signification
lost.
Oneida Outlet,
She-u'-ka, G.
Signification lost.
Liverpool,
Ga-na-wa'-ya,
A Great Swamp.
Liverpool Creek,
Tun-da-da'-qua, G.
Thrown out.
Onondaga Lake,
Ga-nun-ta'-ah, T.
Material for Council Fire.
Salina,
Te-ga-jik-ha'-do,
Place of Salt.
Syracuse,
Na-ta'-dunk,
Pine Tree broken, with Top
hanging down.
Jamesville Creek,
Ga-sun'-to, G.
Bark in the Water.
Jamesville,
Ga-sun'-to,
Bark in the Water.
Limestone Creek,
De-a-o'-no-he, G.
Where the Creek suddenly
Manlius,
De-a-o'-no-he,
Where the Creek suddenly
Fayetteville,
Deep Spring,
South Onondaga,
Christian Hollow,
Onondaga Castle,
Four Miles East of
Castle.
Site of Onondaga Hol-
low, Gis-twe-ah'-na,
Three Miles South of
Onondaga Castle, Nan-ta-sa'-sis,
Ga-che'-a-yo,
De-o'-sa-da-ya'-ah ,
Swe-no/-ga,
De-o'-nake-hus'-sink,
Ka-na-ta-go'-wa,
Tu-e-a-das'-so,
Lobster.
Deep Basin Spring.
A Hollow.
Never Clean.
Signification lost.
Hemlock Knot in the Water.
A Little Man.
Going partly round a Hill.
OSWEGO AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES.
Oswego, Swa'-geh, Flowing out.
New Haven Creek, Ka-dis-ko'-na, G. Long Marsh.
Little Salmon Creek, Ga-nun-ta-sko'-na, G. Large Bark.
Grindstone Creek, He-ah-ha'-whe, G. Apples in Crotch of Tree.
Big Salmon Creek, Ga-hsn-wa'-ga, G. A Creek.
Pulaski. Ga-hen-wa'-ga, A Creek.
Sandy Creek, Te-ka'-da-o-ga'-he, G. Sloping Banks.
MARY JEMISON.
271
ENGLISH NAME. INDIAN* NAME. SIGNIFICATION.
Grand Island. De-a'-wone-da-ga-
han'-da. Signification lost.
Sacketts Harbor, Ga-hu'-a-go-je-twa-da-
a'-lote, Fort at Mouth of Great River.
O-NA'-YOTE-KA-O-NO'-GA,
OR ONEIDA TERRITORY.
ONEIDA DIALECT.
St. Lawrence River, Ga-na-wa'-ga, G. The Rapid River.
Black Lake. Che'-gwa-ga. T. In the Hip.
Oswegatchie River, O'-swa-gatch, G. Signification lost.
Ogdensburgh. O'-swa-gatch. Signification lost.
Black River, Ka-hu-ah'-go, G. Great or Wide River.
Watertown, Ka-hu-ah'-go, Great or Wide River.
Beaver River, Ne-ha-sa'-ne, G. Crossing on a Stick of Timber
Deer Creek, Ga-ne'-ga-to'-do. G. Corn Pounder.
Moose River Te-ka'-hun-di-an'-do, G. Clearing an Opening.
Otter Creek, Da-ween'-net, G. The Otter.
Indian River, O-je'-quack, G. Nut River.
ONEIDA COUNTY.
Mohawk River above
Herkimer. Da-ya'-hoo-wa'-quat. G. Carrying Place.
Rome, Da-ya'-hoo-wa'-quat, Carrying Place.
Fish Creek,
Ta-ga'-soke. G.
Forked like a Spear.
Wood Creek.
Ka-ne-go'-dick, G.
Signification lost.
Oneida Lake,
Ga-no'^a-lo'-hale, T.
A Head on a Pole.
Scribas Creek.
Ga-sote'-na, G.
High Grass.
Bay Creek,
Te-gua'-no-ta-go'-
wa, G.
Big Morass.
West Canada Creek
and Mohawk River,
Te-ah-o'-ge, G.
At the Forks.
Trenton Village,
Ose'-te-a'-daque,
In the Bone.
Trenton Falls.
.i'-sunt-ha'-go,
Great Falls.
Utica.
Nun-da-da'-sis.
Around the Hill.
Whitestown Creek,
Che-ga-quat'-ka, G.
Kidneys.
town.
Che-ga-quat'-ka,
Kidneys.
Oriskany Creek,
Ole'-hisk. G.
Nettles.
Oriskany,
Ole'-hisk.
Nettles.
Paris Hill,
Ga-nun-do'-glee,
Hills shrunk together.
Clinton.
Ka-da'-wis'-dag,
White Field.
Sangerfield,
Ska'-na-wis.
A Long Swamp.
Vernon.
Ska-nu'-sunk.
Place of the Fox.
Vernon Centre,
Skun-an-do'-wa,
Great Hemlock.
Oneida Creek,
Ga-no-a-lo'-hale, G.
Head on a Pole.
Verona,
Te-o-na'-tale,
Pine Forest.
272
LIFE OF
ENGLISH NAME.
INDIAN JJAME. SIGNIFICATION.
Nine-Mile Creek,
Te-ya-nun'-soke, G. A Beech Tree standing up.
Camden,
He-sta-yun'-twa, Meaning lost.
Oneida Dep6t,
De-ose-la-ta'-gaat, Where the Cars go fast.
New Hartford,
Che-ga-quat'-ka, Kidneys.
Oneida Castle,
Ga-no-a-lo'-hale, Head on a Pole.
Site of Camden,
Ho-sta-yun'-twa, Meaning lost.
On Fish Creek,
Ta-ga'-soke, G. Forked like a Spear.
Near Oneida Castle,
Ga-na'-doque, Empty Village.
MADISON AND CHENANGO COUNTIES.
Canestota,
Ka-ne-to'-ta, Pine Tree standing alone.
Lenox,
Ska-wais'-la, A Point made by Bushes.
Caneseraga Creek,
Ka-na'-so-wa'-ga, G, Several Strings of Beads with
a String lying across.
Chittenango Creek,
Chu-de-naang', G. Where the Sun shines out.
Chittenango,
Chu-de-naang'. Where the Sun shines out.
Cazenovia Lake,
Ah-wa'-gee, T. Perch Lake.
Cazenovia,
Ah-wa'-gee, Perch Lake.
Hamilton,
Da-ude'-no-sa-gwa-
nose, Round House.
Unadilla River,
De-u-na'-di-lo, G. Place of Meeting.
Chenango River,
O-che-nang, G. Bull Thistles.
Sherburn,
Ga-na'-da-dele, Steep Hill.
Norwich,
Ga-na'-so-wa'-di, Signification lost.
Oxford,
So-de-ah'-lo-wa'-nake, Thick-necked Giant.
Binghamton,
O-che-nang', Bull Thistles.
Stockbridge Indian Vil.
Ah-gote'-sa-ga-nage, Meaning lost.
GA-NE-A'-GA-O-NO'-GA,
OR MOHAWK TERRITORY.
MOHAWK DIALECT.
West Canada Creek,
Te-uge'-ga, G. At the Forks.
Mohawk River,
Te-uge'-ga, G. At the Forks.
Herkimer,
Te-uge'-ga, At the Forks.
Little Falls,
Ta-la-que'-ga, Small Bushes.
Fort Plain,
Twa-da-a-la-ha'-la, Fort on a Hill.
Canajoharie Creek,
Ga-na-jo-hi'-e, G. Washing the Basin.
Canajoharie,
Ga-na-jo-hi'-e, Washing the Basin.
Johnstown,
Ko-la-ne'-ka, Indian Superintendent.
Fonda,
Ga-na-wa'-da, On the Rapids.
Fort Hunter,
Te-on-da-lo'-ga, Two Streams coming together.
Schoharie Creek,
Sko-har'-le, G. Flood-wood.
Schoharie,
Sko-har'-le, Flood-wood.
East Canada Creek,
Te-car'-hu-har-lo'-da, G. Visible over the Creek.
Otsquago Creek,
O-squa'-go, G. Under the Bridge.
Amsterdam Creek,
Ju-ta-la'-ga, G. Signification lost.
Garoga Creek,
Ga-ro'-ga, G. Signification losi.
< "o
O
MARY JEMISON.
273
ENGLISH NAME.
INDIAN NAME.
SIGNIFICATION.
Schenectady,
O-no-a-la-gone'-na,
In the Head.
Albany,
Ska'-neh-ta'-de,
Beyond the Openings.
Hudson River,
Ska'-neh-ta'-de, G.
River beyond the Openings.
Cohoes Falls,
Ga'-ha-oose,
Shipwrecked Canoe.
Lake Champlain,
O-ne-a-da'-lote, T.
Signification lost. (Oneida
dialect.)
Ticonderoga,
Je-hone-ta-lo'-ga,
Noisy.
Saratoga,
S'har-la-to'-ga,
Signification lost.
Lake St. Francis,
Ga-na-sa-da'-ga, T.
Side Hill. (Oneida dialect.)
Salmon River,
Gau-je'-ah-go-na'-
ne, G.
Sturgeon River. ' '
St. Regis River,
Ah-qua-sos'-ne, G.
Partridges drumming.
St. Regis,
Ah-qua-sos'-ne.
Partridges drumming.
Racket River.
Ta'-na-wa'-deh, G.
Swift Water.
COUNTIES SOUTH OF THE MOHAWK.
Otsego Lake,
Cooperstown,
Delaware River,
Cobus Hill,
New York,
Long Island,
Atlantic Ocean,
Upper Mohawk
tie,
Middle Mohawk
tie.
Lower Mohawk
tie,
Ote-sa'-ga, T.
Ote-sa'-ga,
Ska-hun-do'-wa, G.
As-ca-le'-ge,
Ga-no'-no,
Ga'-wa-nase-geh,
O-jik'-ha da-ge'-ga,
Cas-
Ga-ne'-ga-ha'-ga,
Cas-
Ga-na-jo-hi'-e,
Cas-
Te-ah'-ton-ta-lo'-ga,
CANADA.
Quebec,
Ke-a-done-da-a'-ga,
Montreal,
Do-te-a'-ga,
Kingston,
Ga-dai-o'-que,
Welland River,
Jo-no'-dok, G.
Grand River,
Swa'-geh, G.
Burlington Bay,
De-o-na'-sa-de'-o,
Queenstown,
Do-che'-ha-o',
Hamilton,
De-o-na'-sa-de'-o,
Toronto,
De'-on-do,
Brock's Monument,
Gus-ta'-ote,
Chippeway,
Jo-no'-dak,
Signification lost.
Signification lost.
In the Plains.
Meaning lost.
Meaning lost.
A Long Island. (Oneida
dialect.)
Salt Water.
Possessor of the Flint.
Washing the Basin.
Two Streams coming together.
Two Forts Contiguous.
Almost broken.
Fort in the Water.
Signification lost.
Flowing out.
Where the Sand forms a Bar.
Where the Mountain dies in
the River.
See above.
Log floating upon the Water.
Signification lost.
Erie,
Cornplanter's Village,
PENNSYLVANIA.
Gus-ha'-wa-ga, On the Body.
De-o-no'-sa-da-ga, Burned Houses.
274 LIFE
CHAPTER IX «•
BY CHARLES DELAMATER VAIL, L.H.D.
Bibliography of The Life of Mary Jemison. — All editions
consecutively numbered. — Copies of title-pages. — Simi-
larities and differences of various editions. — Principal
details in tabular form. — Editions in six important
collections.
THE "Life of Mary Jemison" is undoubtedly the
most interesting book descriptive of Indian life in
western New York that has ever been written. Its
hold on the popular imagination is sufficiently at-
tested by the fact that after a lapse of nearly a
century since its first appearance, and after the
printing of no less than nineteen editions in the
United States and England, it is still in such demand
as now to require a new edition. No doubt the gift
of Letchworth Park to the State of New York in 1907
and the increased number of visitors to Mary Jemi-
son's burial-place have increased public interest in her
personal history; but quite apart from this recent
stimulus, the book has had a vitality which the au-
thor of many another more pretentious work might
envy, and its appeal will remain strong as long as
there is admiration for personal courage and fortitude,
sympathy for human suffering, and interest in the
dramatic history of the period in which Mary Jemison
lived.
MARY JEMISON. 275
More or less complete bibliographies of this work
have hitherto been printed as follows: by the late
William H. Samson in the Rochester (N. Y.) Post-
Express of November 26, 1898; by Mr. Frank H.
Severance in Volume VII of the Publications of the
Buffalo Historical Society, 1904; by Mr. Samson in
the Rochester Post-Express of September 19, 1910;
by the Edward E. Ayer Collection of the Newberry
Library, Chicago, in 1912; and by Mr. Elmer Adler
in the Rochester Post-Express of June 25, 1914. In
the preparation of this chapter the writer has had
the helpful co-operation of Messrs. Samson, Sever-
ance, and Adler, and Miss Clara A. Smith, curator of
the Ayer Collection.
As previous editions of this book published under
divers auspices have not been numbered systematic-
ally, the Reviser of the edition of 1918 has deemed
it desirable to establish a consecutive enumeration.
Following the best usage of publishers, therefore, he
has designated the 1918 edition as the twentieth,
and given its predecessors their relative serial num-
bers. The relation of the new numbers to the old
will appear in the table at the end of the chapter.
Following are copies of the title-pages of the
various editions with some additional data concerning
each. As whole lines of some of the original title-
pages are in capital letters, no attempt has been
made here to imitate the capitalization of such lines
or their typographical display. The sizes given are
those of the paper page, to the nearest eighth of an
inch. The number of pages does not include adver-
tisements bound in the back of the book. The num-
ber of illustrations includes both engravings printed
with the text and inserted plates.
276 LIFE OF
First Edition, Canandaigua, 1824..
(3$ by s| inches. 189 pages.)
"A Narrative of the life of Mrs. Mary Jemison, Who was taken
by the Indians, in the year 1755, when only about twelve years of
age, and has continued to reside amongst them to the present time.
Containing An Account of the Murder of her Father and his Family;
her sufferings; her marriage to two Indians; her troubles with her
Children; barbarities of the Indians in the French and Revolu-
tionary Wars; the life of her last Husband, &c.; and many His-
torical Facts never before published. Carefully taken from her
own words, Nov. 29th, 1823. To which is added, An Appendix,
containing an account of the tragedy at the Devil's Hole, in 1763,
and of Sullivan's Expedition; the Traditions, Manners, Customs,
&c. of the Indians, as believed and practised at the present day,
and since Mrs. Jemison's captivity; together with some Anecdotes,
and other entertaining matter. By James E. Seaver. Canan-
daigua: Printed by J. D. Bemis and Co. 1824."
The circumstances of the publication of the first
edition are stated in its original Preface and Introduc-
tion reproduced on pages iii-xv preceding. Bio-
graphical facts concerning Dr. Seaver are given in
the Foreword and in note No. I in Part III, and con-
cerning Mr. Bemis in note No. 6. Copies of this
edition are extremely rare. The "Catalogue of
Americana" issued by a Philadelphia, Penn., firm in
November, 1917, offered a copy in original half-leather
binding in a blue morocco slip case for $187.50. An-
other copy, in not such good condition, was sold at
auction March I, 1917, for $205. Mr. Elmer Adler
of Rochester, N. Y., who has made a census of the
various editions of this book, has been able to locate
only sixteen copies of the first edition. Mr. Adler is
of the opinion that the size of the edition was about
500 copies. His exceptionally perfect copy bears the
price-mark, written in pencil, 37^c.; and an inscrip-
tion in ink, obviously written at the time of the pur-
chase, as follows: "William Baker's Book, Price
MARY JEMISON. 277
$0.34, Purchased March i, 1826 of Bemis,Canandgua"
(spelling as noted). The original price, no doubt, was
three American shillings of the day, and William
Baker apparently got a reduction of 3^ cents.
Second Edition, Howden, 1826.
(3 1 by 6 inches. 180 pages.)
"A Narrative of the life of Mrs. Mary Jemison, Who was taken
by the Indians, in the year 1755, When only about twelve years of
age, and has continued to reside amongst them to the present time.
Containing an account of the murder of her father and his family;
her sufferings; her marriage to two Indians; her troubles with
her children; Barbarities of the Indians in the French and Revolu-
tionary Wars; the life of her last husband; And many Historical
Facts never before published. Carefully taken from her own
words, Nov. 29th, 1823. To which is added, An Appendix, Con-
taining an Account of the Tragedy at the Devil's Hole, in 1763,
and of Sullivan's Expedition; the Traditions, Manners, Customs,
&c., of the Indians, as believed and practised at the present day,
and since Mrs. Jemison's Captivity; together with some Anecdotes,
and other entertaining Matter. By James E. Seaver. Howden:
Printed for R. Parkin: Sold by T. Tegg, 73, Cheapside, London;
Wilson and Sons, York; J. Noble, Hull; W. Walker, Otley; and
by every other bookseller. 1826."
This edition is identical with that printed at
Canandaigua in 1824, except that the publisher's
imprint on the title-page is different and the date,
"Pembroke, March I, 1824," is omitted from the
author's preface. An imprint on the last page states
that it was printed by W. Walker at Otley. The
edition appears to have been due to the enterprise
of Mr. Parkin, who lived at Howden, Eng., appar-
ently only a country-seat.
Third Edition, London, 1827.
(si by si inches. 180 pages.)
"A Narrative of the life of Mrs. Mary Jemison, Who was taken
by the Indians, in the year 1755, When only about twelve years of
278 LIFE OF
age, and has continued to reside amongst them to the present time.
Containing an account of the murder of her father and his family;
her sufferings; her marriage to two Indians; her troubles with her
children; Barbarities of the Indians in the French and Revolu-
tionary Wars; the life of her last husband; And many Historical
Facts never before published. Carefully taken from her own
words, Nov. 29th, 1823. To which is added, An Appendix, Con-
taining an Account of the Tragedy at the Devil's Hole, in 1763,
and of Sullivan's Expedition; the Traditions, Manners, Customs,
&c., of the Indians, as believed and practised at the present day,
and since Mrs. Jemison's Captivity; together with some Anec-
dotes, and other entertaining Matter. By James E. Seaver.
London: Printed for Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green,
Pater-Noster-Row; and T. and J. Allman, Great Queen-street.
1827."
The text of this edition is the same as that of the
1826 edition — being a reproduction of Seaver's
original — except that the publisher's imprint on the
title-page has been changed. An imprint on the
verso of the title-page shows that this edition was
"Printed by W. Walker, Otley."
Fourth Edition, Buffalo, 1834-
(4! by ?1 inches. 36 pages.)
"The Interesting Narrative of Mary Jemison, who lived nearly
seventy-eight years among the Indians."
The fourth, fifth, and sixth editions were pamphlets,
the fourth having no cover, and the fifth and sixth
having paper covers. These three editions form the
rarest group of all, the sixth being the rarest of the
three. Most of the known copies are imperfect.
The copy of the fourth edition in the Buffalo His-
torical Society, examined by the editor of this chapter,
has no title-page, but simply the heading above
quoted which appears at the top of the first page.
As the pagination begins with page I, it is inferred
that there was no title-page. The narrative is much
MARY JEMISON. 279
abbreviated from Seaver's original. About half a
page is added on page 36 by the Rev. Asher Wright,
the missionary to the Senecas at Buffalo Creek, about
Mary Jemison's removal from Gardeau to the Buf-
falo Creek Reservation, her conversion to Christianity,
and her death and burial "in September, 1833."
The date of publication, 1834, is conjectural. The
place of publication is inferred from the wording of
Mr. Wright's statement that Mary Jemison's "re-
mains rest in the grave-yard near the Seneca Mission
Church." If this had been printed elsewhere than
in Buffalo, it is believed that Buffalo would have been
mentioned in connection with this statement.
Fifth Edition, Rochester, 184.0.
(si by 8 inches. 36 pages.)
"A Narrative of the life of Mrs. Mary Jemison, Who was taken
by a party of French and Indians at Marsh Creek, in Pennsyl-
vania, in the year 1755, and carried down the Ohio River when
only 12 years of age, and who continued to reside with the Indians
and follow their manner of living 78 years, until the time of her
death, which took place at the Seneca Reservation, near Buffalo,
N. Y., in 1833 at the advanced age of 90 years. Containing An
account of the Murder of her Father's Family, who were taken
captives at the same time with herself, but who were Tomahawked
and Scalped the second night of their captivity; her Marriage to
two Indian Chiefs, with whom she lived many years, and both
of whom she followed to the grave. (Woodcut) To which is
added An account of her conversion to the Christian Religion a
few months before her death: — Her ideas of the Christian Religion
and views of herself previous to her conversion, as related by the
Rev. Mr. Wright, Minister at the Seneca Reservation, where she
died. Rochester: Printed by Miller & Butterfield. 1840."
This is a pamphlet with paper cover in addition
to the 36 pages of text. The text is a reprint of the
abridged edition of 1834. A crude woodcut in the
title-page represents a fight between a white man in
280 LIFE OF
a swallow-tailed coat and two Indians around a camp-
fire. Following the title-page is a folding woodcut
giving a "correct view of her father's family after
their captivity by the Indians, and when leaving
their home," etc. The last page is occupied by a
woodcut of "Hiokatoo, Mrs. Jemison's second hus-
band, as he appeared when attired in his war dress."
Mark Miller, who, with Butterfield, published this
unique edition, was an engraver and may personally
have cut the three wood blocks which are used to
illustrate it. These three quaint woodcuts are re-
produced in the present edition.
Sixth Edition, Utica, 184.2.
(Si by 7| inches. 32 pages.)
"A Narrative of the life of Mrs. Mary Jemison, Who was taken
by a party of French and Indians at Marsh Creek in Pennsylvania,
in the year 1755, and carried down the Ohio River, when only
12 years of age, and who continued to reside with the Indians and
follow their manner of living 78 years, until the time of her death,
which took place at the Seneca Reservation, near Buffalo, N. Y.,
in 1833, at the advanced age of 90 years. Containing An account
of the Murder of her Father's Family, who were taken captives
at the same time with herself, but who were Tomahawked and
Scalped the second night of their captivity; her marriage to two
Indian Chiefs, with whom she lived many years, and both of
whom she followed to the grave. (Woodcut) To which is added
An account of her conversion to the Christian Religion a few
months before her death — Her ideas of the Christian Religion,
and views of herself previous to her conversion, as related by the
Rev. Mr. Wright, Minister at the Seneca Reservation, where she
died. Utica, Published by G. Cunningham. 1842. Woodland
& Donaldson, Printers, Utica."
This is the rarest of all editions. It is a pamphlet
with paper cover in addition to the 32 pages of text.
This is the same text as the 1840 edition, and the
same remarks about illustrations apply to both. The
w
>. £
2 .g
SI
Sf
55 bo
W c
o a
U! O
MARY JEMISON. 281
difference between the two editions is eloquently
expressed in a pencil note in the copy of the 1842
edition in the New York Public Library which says:
"A most horrid edition of this book was printed at
Rochester, N. York in 1840. It was of this same form,
& nearly page for page with this, but chock full of
typographical blunders."
Seventh Edition, Otley, 184.2.
(3 by 4f inches. 192 pages.)
"A Narrative of the life of Mrs. Mary Jemison, who was taken
by the Indians, in the year 1755, when only about twelve years of
age, and has continued to reside amongst them to the present time.
Containing an Account of the murder of her father and his family;
her sufferings; her marriage to two Indians; her troubles with her
children; barbarities of the Indians in the French and Revolu-
tionary wars; the life of her last husband; and many Historical
facts never before published. Carefully taken from her own words,
Nov. 29th, 1823. To which is added, an Appendix, Containing
an Account of the Tragedy at the Devil's Hole, in 1763, and of
Sullivan's Expedition; the Traditions, Manners, Customs, &c. of
the Indians, as believed and practised at the present day, and
since Mrs. Jemison's captivity; together with some Anecdotes,
and other entertaining matter. By James E. Seaver. Otley:
Printed by William Walker. Sold by all booksellers. i%±2."
The text is the same as that of the Howden edition
of 1826, except that it has been expanded by the
addition of twelve pages entitled "Remarks concern-
ing the Savages of North America" and "Fortitude
of the Indian character." It has one illustration, a
frontispiece.
Eighth Edition, Batavia, 1842.
(3s by 5 1 inches. 192 pages.)
"Deh-he-wa-mis: or a narrative of the life of Mary Jemison:
otherwise called the White Woman, who was taken captive by the
19
282 LIFE OF
Indians in MDCCLV; and who continued with them seventy eight
years. Containing an account of the^murder of her father and his
family; her marriages and sufferings; Indian barbarities, customs
and traditions. Carefully taken from her own words By James
E. Seaver. Also the life of Hiokatoo, and Ebenezer Allen; a
sketch of General Sullivan's campaign; tragedy of the "Devils
Hole," etc. The whole revised, corrected and enlarged: with
descriptive and historical sketches of the Six Nations, the Genesee
country, and other interesting facts connected with the narrative:
By Ebenezer Mix, Batavia, N. Y. Published by William Seaver
T l&tf Son, 1842.'*
of the first edition having died, his
William Seaver and the latter' s son succeeded
wnership of the book; and, bringing to their
aioTEbenezer Mix as editor, they published this re-
vised edition. Words, phrases, and the spelling of
many proper names are changed; supposed gram-
matical errors corrected; the order of arrangement
altered; new matter interpolated and added; and
some features of the original, especially appendices,
omitted. The principal additions are a new Pub-
lisher's Notice; Chapter V, dealing with geography
and Indian names; Chapter XVIII, continuing the
history of Mary Jemison's life and referring to her
removal to Buffalo, her sickness, her death, etc.;
Chapter XIX, comparing the condition of western
New York as it then existed with its former condition;
and Chapter XX concerning the history of the Six
Nations. The appendices consist of "The Tragedy of
the Devil's Hole "(rewritten), "General Sullivan's Ex-
pedition to Western New York" (rewritten), and "Re-
moval of the Remains of Boyd." As an example of
a change in phraseology may be mentioned the last
clause of the last sentence of the original Preface
(page vi ante). Dr. Seaver, evidently echoing one
of the finest phrases of the Epistle to the Hebrews
MARY JEMISON. 283
(XII, 2), speaks of "gratitude to the great Author
and finisher of our happiness."177 Mr. Mix changes
this to read "gratitude to the great Author and
sustainer of the sources of all our happiness." Mr.
Mix prefixes "Deh-he-wa-mis" to the title-page and
uses it in the running tittes to the pages throughout
the book. His changes, while not always improve-
ments, on the whole added to the value of the book
as a source of information.
Ninth Edition, Batavia, 1842.
(3 1 by 5 s inches. 192 pages.)
"Deh-he-wa-mis: or a narrative of the life of Mary Jemison:
otherwise called the White Woman, who was taken captive by the
Indians in MDCCLV; and who continued with them seventy eight
years. Containing an account of the murder of her father and his
family; her marriages and sufferings; Indian barbarities, customs
and traditions. Carefully taken from her own words By James
E. Seaver. Also the life of Hiokatoo, and Ebenezer Allen; a sketch
of General Sullivan's campaign; tragedy of the "Devils Hole,"
etc. The whole revised, corrected and enlarged: with descriptive
and historical sketches of the Six Nations, the Genesee country,
and other interesting facts connected with the narrative: By
Ebenezer Mix. Second Edition. Batavia, N. Y. Published by
William Seaver and Son, 1842."
This is identical with the preceding 1842 edition
printed at Batavia, except that the title-page has
been lengthened by the insertion of the words "Second
Edition" after the name of Ebenezer Mix. The same
slight defects in the type of both editions show that
they were printed from the same type. That this
edition was printed after the one last above mentioned
is indicated by trifling signs of wear on the edges of the
type pages.
284 LIFE OF
Tenth Edition, Batavia, 184.4..
(3i by 6i inches. 192 pages.)
"Deh-he-wa-mis: or A narrative of the life of Mary Jemison:
otherwise called the White Woman, Who was taken captive by the
Indians in MDCCLV and who continued with them seventy eight
years Containing an account of the murder of her father and his
family, her marriages and sufferings, Indian barbarities customs
and traditions. Carefully taken from her own words by James E.
Seaver. Also The life of Hiokatoo, and Ebenezer Allen; A sketch
of General Sullivan's Campaign; Tragedy of the "Devils Hole,"
etc. — The whole revised, corrected and enlarged; with descriptive
and historical sketches of the six nations, the Genesee country,
and other interesting facts connected with the narrative: By
Ebenezer Mix. Third Edition. Batavia, N. Y. Published by
William Seaver and Son, 1844"
This is identical with the edition last above men-
tioned, except that the words "Second Edition" on
the title-page have been changed to "Third Edition."
Eleventh Edition, Devon and London, 184.7.
(3 1 by si inches. 184 pages.)
"Deh-he-wa-mis: or A narrative of the life of Mary Jemison:
otherwise called the White Woman, Who was taken captive by the
Indians in MDCCLV; and who continued with them seventy-
eight years. Containing an account of the murder of her father
and his family; her marriages and sufferings; Indian barbarities,
customs and traditions. Carefully taken from her own words.
By James E. Seaver. Also the life of Hiokatoo and Ebenezer
Allen; and historical sketches of the Six Nations, the Genesee
country, and other interesting facts connected with the narrative:
By Ebenezer Mix. Devon, Published by S. Thome, Prospect-
place, Shebbear. London, W. Tegg, 73, Cheapside. 1847."
This is an English reprint of the Batavia edition
of 1844 except that the title-page has been abbrevi-
ated and a "Publisher's Notice," dated "Shebbear,
July, 1847," added on another page, reading as fol-
lows: "A gentleman who has resided for some years
in the neighbourhood in which many of the occur-
MARY JEMISON. 285
rences related in the following pages took place,
having lately visited this country, felt an interest in
their publication here; and having obtained a number
of subscribers, applied to the publisher to undertake
the work. His request was complied with, and
it is hoped that the perusal of the book may excite
in many a greater detestation of the horrors of war,
and a spirit of revenge, and a clearer view of the
necessity of an adoption of the gospel of Christ to
render either nations or individuals truly happy; as
well as give a correct delineation of Indian manners
and customs." An imprint on page 184 shows that
the edition was printed by S. Thorne. Following
page 184 of the text is an advertising list of books
published by Bradbury & Evans.
Twelfth Edition, New York, Auburn, Rochester, 1856.
(4! by 7j inches. 312 pages.)
"Life of Mary Jemison, Deh-he-wa-mis. By James E. Seaver.
Fourth Edition, with geographical and explanatory notes. New
York and Auburn: Miller, Orton & Mulligan. Rochester: D. M.
Dewey. 1856"
The text of this edition is mainly that of the
Batavia editions, but Lewis Henry Morgan, LL.D.,
the great authority on Indian matters in New York
State and author of "The League of the Iroquois,"
has added some new and interesting features. A
"Publisher's Note" of three pages by him precedes
Seaver's original introduction and he has inserted
many foot-notes about Indian names and customs.
He has also added as Appendix V a list of Indian
geographical names in the State of New York taken
from his "League of the Iroquois" and has inserted
a letter from Gen. Ely S. Parker (Do-ne-ho-ga-weh)
286 LIFE OF
to D. M. Dewey, of Rochester, the publisher, express-
ing pleasure at the prospect of the new edition.
Chapter XIX of the 1842 Batavia edition concerning
the "present state of New York compared with the
former," etc., is omitted, and Chapter XX of the 1842
edition becomes Chapter XIX of the 1856 edition.
The book is embellished by five woodcuts by Spiegel-
Johnson, largely drawn from the imagination, repre-
senting Mary Jemison " relating her history to the
author," " arrayed in Indian costume," and "in
Indian costume at the age of sixteen"; "The murder
of one of her sons by his "brother"; and "Showing
her house and modern improvements." The portrait
of Dr. Seaver, however, is regarded by his descendants
as bearing a good resemblance to the author, and is
reproduced in the present volume.
Thirteenth Edition, New York, 1859.
(S by yj inches. 312 pages.)
"Life of Mary Jemison: Deh-he-wa-mis. By James E. Seaver.
Fourth Edition. With geographical and explanatory notes. New
York: C. M. Saxton, 25 Park Row. 1859."
This edition is the same as the last above mentioned,
except that the dates have been omitted from the
"Publisher's Note" and "Introduction."
Fourteenth Edition, New York, 1860-
(4} by 7 1 inches. 312 pages.)
"Life of Mary Jemison: Deh-he-wa-mis. By James E. Seaver.
Fourth Edition. With geographical and explanatory notes. New
York: C. M. Saxton, Barker & Co., No. 25 Park Row. 1860"
Like the edition of 1859, this is the same as the
edition of 1856 with the omission of the dates from
MARY JEMISON. 287
the "Publisher's Note" and "Introduction." It has
the same {Illustrations.
Fifteenth Edition, Buffalo, 1877.
(4* by 7f inches. 303 pages.)
"Life of Mary Jemison: Deh-he-wa-mis. By James E. Seaver.
Fifth Edition, with appendix. Buffalo, N. Y.: Printing house of
Matthews & Warren, Office of the 'Buffalo Commercial Adver-
tiser.' 1877."
This edition marks the change of ownership of the
book to William Pryor Letchworth, LL.D., who re-
sided at Portage Falls on the large estate which in
1907 he gave to the State of New York and which is
now known as Letchworth Park. As elsewhere
stated in the present volume, Mary Jemison's re-
mains are buried in Letchworth Park. New features
of the 1877 edition are a Preface by Dr. Letchworth;
an account of a visit to the Cattaraugus Reservation
in 1873 by William C. Bryant, ex-president of the
Buffalo Historical Society; an account of Mary
Jemison's last hours by Mrs. Asher Wright; an
account, by Dr. Letchworth, of the removal of Mary
Jemison's remains from Buffalo to his estate at
Portage Falls in 1874; and seventeen new engravings
on wood, including the work of G. A. Avery, Whitney
and Jocelyn, Timothy Cole and others. Among the
illustrations are a view of Gardeau where the White
Woman resided, portraits of some of her descendants,
and engravings of Indian wearing apparel, etc., from
Morgan's "League of the Iroquois." Among the
features of the 1842 Batavia edition omitted from the
1877 edition are the last paragraph of the "Pub-
lisher's Note"; Chapter XIX on the "Confederacy
288 LIFE OF
of the Iroquois," the "Concluding Note" from "The
League of the Iroquois," the appendix describing the
"Tragedy of the Devil's Hole," and the appendix
describing "The Genesee country as it was and is."
Sixteenth Edition, Buffalo, 1880.
(4! by 7 1 inches. 303 pages.)
"Life of Mary Jemison: Deh-he-wa-mis. By James E. Seaver.
Sixth Edition, with appendix. Buffalo, N. Y. Printing house of
Matthews Bros. & Bryant, Office of the ' Buffalo Morning Express.'
1880"
This is a reprint of the edition of 1877, the only
change being in the number of the edition on the title-
page. It has a binding of cloth on paper without
boards.
Seventeenth Edition, New York and London, 1898.
(5 by 7 1 inches. 300 pages.)
"A Narrative of the life of Mary Jemison. De-he-wa-mis. The
White Woman of the Genesee. By James E. Seaver. Sixth
Edition. With Geographical and Explanatory Notes and Appen-
dix. This edition also includes numerous illustrations, further
particulars of the history of De-he-wa-mis, and other interesting
matter collected and arranged by Wrn. Pryor Letchworth. G. P.
Putnam's Sons. New York & London. The Knickerbocker Press.
This is substantially the same as the 1880 edition,
but the title-page has been changed; Chapter XXI,
giving additional particulars concerning Mary Jemi-
son's parentage, etc., has been added; and the follow-
ing have been omitted: The note to the fifth edition
signed by Dr. Letchworth and dated Glen Iris,
March, 1877; the "Publisher's Note to the Fourth
MARY JEMISON. 289
Edition," dated Rochester, N. Y., March, 1856; the
letter from Ely S. Parker to D. M. Dewey; and
Appendix IV, concerning General Sullivan's expedi-
tion. There are twenty-one illustrations, including
the seventeen which appeared in the fifteenth and
sixteenth editions. The new ones include four half-
tones, as follows: A drawing by Miss Mildred Green
of Buffalo, representing "Mary Jemison being arrayed
in the costume of a Seneca Indian maiden" (frontis-
piece); a portrait of Mrs. Asher Wright; a view of
Mary Jemison's grave, and one of the old Council
House near Dr. Letchworth's residence. This is the
first edition containing a list of illustrations.
Eighteenth Edition, New York and London, 1910.
(S by ?J inches. 305 pages.)
"A Narrative of the life of Mary Jemison. De-he-wa-mis.
The White Woman of the Genesee. By James E. Seaver. Seventh
Edition. With Geographical and Explanatory Notes. This edi-
tion also includes numerous illustrations, further particulars of
the history of De-he-wa-mis, and other interesting matter collected
and arranged by Wm. Pryor Letchworth. G. P. Putnam's Sons.
New York and London. The Knickerbocker Press. 1910."
This is the same as the 1898 edition with very slight
changes. The frontispiece of the former is moved
along to page 56 of the 1910 edition, giving place to a
half-tone cut from a photograph of the statue of
Mary Jemison. This makes twenty-two illustrations.
The number of the edition has been changed on the
title-page; the last four lines of the Preface omitted
and the date of the Preface changed from May I,
1898, to September 15, 1910; and a supplement of
three pages about the statue has been added.
29o LIFE OF
Nineteenth Edition, New York and London, 1913.
(5 J by 75 inches. 305 pages.)
"A Narrative of the life of Mary Jemison. De-he-wa-mis. The
White Woman of the Genesee. By James E. Seaver. Seventh
Edition. With Geographical and Explanatory Notes. This edi-
tion also includes numerous illustrations, further particulars of the
history of De-he-wa-mis, and other interesting matter collected
and arranged by Wm. Pryor Letchworth. G. P. Putnam's Sons.
New York and London. The Knickerbocker Press. 1913."
Upon the death of Dr. Letchworth on December I,
1910, the ownership of the book passed, with his
residuary estate, to the American Scenic and Historic
Preservation Society which by law is custodian of
Letchworth Park for the State of New York. The
1913 edition is a reprint of the edition of 1910. The
only difference is in the cover, which has stamped
upon it a representation of the statue of Mary Jemison
instead of the Council House.
Twentieth Edition, New York, 1918.
(Si by 8 inches. 475 pages.)
"A Narrative of The Life of Mary Jemison The White Woman
of the Genesee by James Everett Seaver, M. D. Revised by
Charles Delamater Vail, L. H. D. Emeritus Professor of English
Literature at Hobart College Twentieth Edition Presenting the
First Edition literally restored, Together with chapters added to
later editions by Ebenezer Mix, Lewis Henry Morgan, LL. D.,
William Clement Bryant and William Pryor Letchworth, LL. D.
Enlarged with historical and archaeological memoranda and critical
notes by modern authorities New York The American Scenic &
Historic Preservation Society 1918"
In this edition Seaver' s original text is restored
verbatim et literatim and forms Part I. The principal
additions made by earlier editors have been repro-
duced in Part II, with an addition by Edward
Hagaman Hall concerning the place of Mary Jemi-
MARY JEMISON. 291
son's capture; an addition by the Reviser con-
cerning the erection of the statue of Mary Jemison;
a new chapter by William H. Samson concerning
Mary Jemison's will, and a new chapter by the
Reviser giving a bibliography of this book. And in
Part III have been collated the notes originally ac-
companying the matter contained in Part II, together
with new memoranda and critical notes by modern
authorities on historical and archaeological subjects.
The illustrations include the most interesting ones of
former editions and several new ones, making a
total of forty-one. The whole is introduced by a
Foreword by the Reviser and is followed by an
alphabetical index.
This edition is notable in several respects. Only
four of the preceding nineteen editions have presented
the narrative as Dr. Seaver wrote it. For the first
time since the Otley edition of 1842 it is now pre-
sented in its original form. The voluminous notes by
the Reviser throw a flood of light on both the original
story and the additional chapters by other editors.
The date of Mary Jemison's capture, given in all
previous editions erroneously as 1755, is here given
authoritatively as 1758. This, and other dates
based upon it, are corrected by means of explications
in Part III, without any changes in Part I. The
site of Mary Jemison's capture is for the first time in-
dicated by description and map so definitely that any
one interested in this romantic story can visit the
scene of its opening chapter without difficulty. The
alphabetical index is a feature which no previous
edition has contained.
Following is a tabulation of the various editions of
"The Life of Mary Jemison" consecutively numbered:
292
LIFE OF
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MARY JEMISON.
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GA-NO-SOTE, OR BARK HOUSE
PART III
NOTES AND COMMENT
O-SQUE-SONT, OR TOMAHAWK
NOTES AND COMMENT
Historical, geographical, and biographical notes on the
narrative of the life of Mary Jemison. — Erroneous dates
in the original corrected. — Indian customs explained in
the light of modern research. — Indian place-names
interpreted, etc.
IN order to present intact Dr. Seaver's original
narrative of the life of Mary Jemison the foot-notes
which accompanied it in the first edition have been
printed in Part I of the present volume exactly where
they first appeared.
As there is no sentimental or good literary reason
for following the same plan with respect to the notes
appended by subsequent editors both to the original
text and to the new chapters which they added from
time to time, and as modern research has thrown a
flood of light on many phases of the story, requiring
much more extended comment, the Reviser of the
edition of 1918 has deemed it wise to collate in Part
III of the present volume all such subsequent foot-
notes, together with the new notes by himself.
In order that there may be no confusion of author-
ship, the origin of each of the following notes is in-
dicated by the name Mix, Morgan, Letchworth, or
Reviser, meaning respectively Ebenezer Mix, Lewis
Henry Morgan, William Pryor Letchworth, and
Charles Delamater Vail. Following the name of the
20
298 LIFE OF
author is the date of the edition in which the note
first appeared. Thus, Mix, ed. 184.2 means that the
note was written by Ebenezer Mix and first ap-
peared in the Batavia edition of 1842.
The notes are numbered consecutively to correspond
with the superior figures inserted in the text to which
they relate.
i. JAMES EVERETT SEAVER.
(Page g, line 7.)
The following biographical note is furnished by
Dr. Edward Hagaman Hall, Secretary of the American
Scenic and Historic Preservation Society, at the re-
quest of the Reviser:
"James Everett Seaver was born in Middleboro,
Mass., on October 15, 1787. He was the son of
Capt. William Seaver and his first wife Polly Everett.
Capt. William Seaver served during the Revolutionary
war, being one of the guards at the execution of
Major Andre. Capt. Seaver was the son of Brigade
Major William Seaver of Taunton, Mass., and his
first wife Rebecca Hunt. Major Seaver' s diary,
published in the early part of the nineteenth century,
was replete with interesting incidents of pioneer life.
James Everett Seaver's mother Polly Everett was
the daughter of Andrew Everett and cousin of the
celebrated Edward Everett. During James Everett
Seaver's infancy, his parents moved to Vermont. He
was admitted to the practice of ' Physic and Surgery*
under the laws of Vermont February 9, 1813. From
Vermont his family moved to Hebron, N. Y., and soon
after his marriage to Margaret McCall he moved to
Pembroke, N. Y. Chronic rheumatism compelled
him to give up his practice and eventually brought
on the complaints which terminated his life on
January 25, 1827. He was buried at Darien Center,
N. Y. He enjoyed the highest reputation for his
exemplary character and intellectual worth. He also
MARY JEMISON. 299
had a keen sense of humor and considerable ability
as a poet, both of which appeared in many short
pieces expressing lofty sentiments and touching human
foibles. His chief literary work, however, was 'The
Life of Mary Jemison/ published in 1824. There is
a biographical notice of Dr. Seaver in No. 6 of volume
V of 'The Gospel Advocate/ published at Buffalo
on Saturday, February 10, 1827, from a copy of
which, kindly furnished by Mr. William Seaver
Woods of New York, great-grandson of Dr. Seaver,
the foregoing note has been prepared."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
2. EBENEZER Mix.
(Page i, line 4.)
The following biographical note is furnished by
Dr. E. H. Hall at the request of the Reviser:
"Ebenezer Mix was born in New Haven, Conn.,
about 1789, and became a resident of Batavia, N. Y.,
in 1809. He was a mason by trade, but soon after
settling in Batavia he taught school, then studied law,
and in March, 1811, entered the service of the Holland
Company as a clerk in their land office. He con-
tinued the latter connection for 27 years, and took
a prominent part in arranging the details of the
famous Holland Purchase of about 3,600,000 acres
of land in western New York (so-called because the
tracts were purchased with funds of certain gentlemen
living in Holland). He had unusual talents as a
practical mathematician; and was the author of a
book entitled 'Practical Mathematics/ He had a
wonderful memory of localities, boundaries, and
topography; and long after his connection with the
Holland Company ended, he was appealed to as a
book of reference or an encyclopedia whenever con-
flicting questions concerning land boundaries, high-
way locations, or primitive surveys and allotments
arose. No one in the employ of the company had
more direct contact or intimate relations with the
300 LIFE OF
pioneer settlers. For 20 years he was the Surrogate
of Genesee county. In the War of 1812 he was an
aide to Gen. P. B. Porter at the successful sortie at
Fort Erie, September 17, 1814. There is a portrait
of him in Turner's * Pioneer History of the Holland
Purchase.'"
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
3. LEWIS HENRY MORGAN.
(Page i, line 21.)
Dr. E. H. Hall furnishes the following biographical
note at the request of the Reviser:
"Lewis Henry Morgan was born at Aurora, N. Y.,
on the shore of Cayuga Lake, November 21, 1818.
He was the son of Jedediah Morgan, at one time State
Senator, and Harriet Steele, his wife. James Morgan
and John Steele, his paternal and maternal immigrant
ancestors, were pioneer New Englanders and both
members of the first Assembly of Connecticut Colony.
Lewis H. Morgan was graduated in 1840 from Union
College, from which he later received the degree of
LL.D., and was admitted to the bar at Rochester.
In 1855, he became interested in a railroad from
Marquette, Mich., to the Lake Superior iron region,
which so absorbed his attention that he gave up his
law practice. He was a Member of Assembly in
1861 and State Senator in 1868. Soon after going to
Rochester, he met Ely S. Parker, a full-blooded
Seneca Indian, and contracted a friendship with him
which proved of the utmost value. With Parker,
Morgan reorganized a secret society called 'The
Gordian Knot* to which they both belonged, the new
organization being on the plan of the League of the
Iroquois and devoted to the study of Indian lore.
Parker acted as interpreter for Morgan in all his
communications with the Indians of the Six Nations.
By distinguished services in championship of the
Indians' rights to their lands, Morgan won his way
into their hearts and about the year 1847 he was
MARY JEMISON. 301
adopted into the Seneca nation, receiving the name
Td-yd-dd-o-wuh-kuh, meaning one lying across — that
is, a bridge or bond of union between the Indians
and the white men. He traveled extensively in the
United States, studying the Indians, and in 1851 pro-
duced his monumental work entitled 'The League of
the Iroquois/ which was followed during the next
thirty years by about thirty important contributions
to knowledge on the subject of North American
ethnology, and many less pretentious papers. He
made original discoveries of the principles underlying
Indian sociology and general customs, and by many
is regarded as the father of American anthropology.
He died December 17, 1881."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
4. WILLIAM PRYOR LETCHWORTH.
(Page i, line 32.)
The following biographical note is furnished by
Dr. E. H. Hall at the Reviser's request:
"William Pryor Letch worth was descended from
English Quaker ancestry. His first American ancestor
was his great-grandfather, John Letchworth, who
settled in Philadelphia, Penn., in 1766. William
Pryor Letchworth was born in Brownville, near
Watertown, N. Y., May 26, 1823, the son of Josiah
and Ann Hance Letchworth. The family moved to
Moravia, and then to Sherwood, N. Y., whence
William at about the age of 15, went to Auburn, and
began his business life as a clerk in the house of
Hayden & Holmes, manufacturers of saddlery hard-
ware. After seven years in Auburn and three in
New York, in the employ of the same firm, he went
to Buffalo and entered into partnership with Pratt
& Co., leading hardware merchants. In this business
he accumulated a comfortable fortune, which enabled
him to travel abroad, and to give much time to
philanthropy. In 1873 Gov. Dix appointed him a
State Commissioner of Charities, and for the next
302 LIFE OF
24 years his time was almost completely absorbed
with the duties of that position. His work for the
care of the insane and epileptic and for prison reform
was monumental. In 1893, the University of the
State of New York gave him the degree of LL.D. in
recognition of his distinguished services. In 1859,
he began to purchase land at Portage Falls on the
Genesee River, and eventually acquired about 1000
acres. He removed the debris of the old lumber mill
at the falls (see note No. 158 following), restored the
forests, beautified the estate in many ways, and
made the place his home, calling it Glen Iris. In
1871 he brought to Glen Iris the old Indian Council
House which formerly stood at Caneadea; in 1874
he brought from Buffalo the remains of Mary Jemison;
and in 1880 he brought from Gardeau the log cabin
which Mary Jemison built for one of her daughters.
In 1910 he erected a bronze statue of Mary Jemison
over her grave. Meanwhile he accumulated a valu-
able museum of Indian relics and books relating to
chanties. In 1907, he gave his estate to the State of
New York for a public park, on condition that it
should be in the custody of the American Scenic
and Historic Preservation Society, and he made the
society his residuary legatee. He retained a life
tenancy of the property and lived upon it till he died
on December i, 1910. He was buried in Forest Lawn
Cemetery, Buffalo. For further particulars con-
cerning Dr. Letchworth and Letchworth Park, see the
Twelfth Annual Report of the American Scenic and
Historic Preservation Society, 1907, pp. 115-226, and
subsequent Reports; also 'The Life and Work of
William Pryor Letchworth,' by J. N. Larned, 1912."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
5. GRAMMATICAL USAGE IN 1824.
(Page /, line 18.)
In connection with the subject of the grammatical
forms in Dr. Seaver's narrative, the reader may con-
MARY JEMISON. 303
suit with interest and profit the valuable works of the
late Thomas Raynesford Lounsbury, LL.D., L.H.D.,
one time professor of English language and literature
at Yale University. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
6. J. D. BEMIS.
(Page i, line 25.)
J. D. Bemis, head of the firm which printed the
first edition, was a prominent citizen of Canandaigua,
N. Y. One of the most important commercial build-
ings of that city to-day bears conspicuously the name
of Bemis and is erected on the site of the printing
press which produced the first edition of "The Life
of Mary Jemison." — Reviser, ed. 1918.
7. THE JEMISON HOME IN IRELAND.
(Page 17, last line.)
In the first edition of the narrative of Mary Jem-
ison's life there is only one remark that has any bear-
ing on this question of the region of abode in Ireland
of Mary Jemison's parents. In this remark it is
stated that a short time before sailing for this country
Mary Jemison's parents removed to the port from
which they were to sail, but unfortunately the first
edition nowhere discloses the name of this port.
The Custom House records, kept at that time at
Philadelphia, however, supply the deficiency; and
it is learned, as shown in note No. 8, that the Jemisons
sailed for this country from Belfast, Ireland.
In a letter to Dr. Letchworth from Mr. Henry
O'Reilly, written in 1883 and forming the concluding
part of Chapter XXI of the 1898 edition of this book,
it is revealed by the writer that he came in boyhood
3o4 LIFE OF
from that part of Ireland where Mary Jernison's
parents dwelt. An investigation into the life of Mr.
O'Reilly shows that he was born in Carrickmacross,
County Monaghan, Province of Ulster. This fixes
with sufficient accuracy the locality sought.
That this was the region in Ireland where the
Jemisons made their home before sailing to Phila-
delphia is further confirmed by a letter written to the
Reviser in 1915 by Miss Caroline Bishop, librarian
of Letchworth Park, which says:
"A few days ago a young man was here who came
from Antrim, Ireland. He is chauffeur to Mrs. Porter
Chandler, formerly Miss Wadsworth, of Geneseo. He
said that he had heard his father talk with his neigh-
bors in Antrim about the Jemisons and tell the story
of Mary's captivity."
Antrim is about thirty miles directly north from
Carrickmacross and both are in the eastern part of the
province of Ulster.
Still further, it appears that in a series of articles
written by the Rev. W. K. Zieber of Hanover, Pa.,
for The Gettysburgh Compiler, the article of December
ii, 1879, states:
"The first settlements in the southwestern portion
of the territory now embraced in Adams County
were made by the Scotch-Irish. About the year
1735 a number of families established themselves
near the sources of Marsh Creek. Others soon fol-
lowed, among them in the year 1742 or 3 were Thomas
Jemison and his wife Jane Erwin. * * * Thomas
Jemison and wife were of honorable and wealthy
Scotch-Irish parentage."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
< -a
MARY JEMISON. 305
8. YEAR OF MARY'S BIRTH
(Page 19, line 9.)
In order to determine the year of Mary Jemison's
birth it is necessary to ascertain the year of the
voyage of her parents to this country. On page 18
of the original narrative of her life, Mrs. Jemison
states that her parents set sail from a port in Ireland
for this country on board the William and Mary,
(by her mistakenly called Mary William) in the year
1742 or 3, bound for Philadelphia, and that in the
course of the voyage she herself was born. Hitherto
no attempt seems to have been made to determine
whether the coming of Mary Jemison's parents to
this country took place in 1742 or in 1743.
A memorandum by John W. Jordan, LL.D.,
librarian of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania,
in answer to an inquiry, points out that in the Custom
House at Philadelphia record was made of the arrival
of ships from Great Britain and that the records for
1742 and 1743 are extant. The memorandum further
shows that official lists were made of the arrivals at
a colonial port of emigrants being aliens, but not of
emigrants subjects of Great Britain; and that all
emigrants from the British Isles coming to Phila-
delphia preferred, if at all possible, the summer trip,
the Delaware River being very often closed by ice to
navigation in December.
For the purposes of the present investigation the
most interesting fact revealed in the information ac-
companying the memorandum received from Dr.
Jordan is that in 1742 the William and Mary in its
summer trip entered Philadelphia, August 26, not,
however, from an Irish port, but from an English
306 LIFE OF
port, White Haven, whilst in 1743, October 6, the
William and Mary entered Philadelphia from an
Irish port, Belfast. It seems, therefore, conclusive
that the Jemisons arrived at Philadelphia October 6,
1743, and it would be absolutely conclusive but for
the existence of a very tenuous possibility, namely,
that the Jemisons arrived in the William and Mary the
latter part of December, 1742, or early in January,
1743, for the memorandum from Dr. Jordan, after
pointing out that there is no record of the arrival of
the William and Mary at Philadelphia in the winter
of either 1742 or 1743, mentions that a vessel named
William and Mary is registered as having sailed from
Philadelphia for Londonderry, Ireland, October 21,
1742, and again as having sailed from Philadelphia for
Belfast, Ireland, February 10, 1743, and this informa-
tion furnished by Dr. Jordan means, if there is no
error in these records and it is the same vessel in each
case, that the William and Mary must have returned
to Philadelphia in the interim, that is, about the latter
part of December, 1742, or early in January, 1743,
i.e., in the winter of 1742-3, at a date not recorded,
and that the Jemisons may have come to Philadelphia
on this trip. It is difficult, though, to conceive that
persons of the comparative affluence of the Jemisons
should, contrary to the usage of the times and of
their class, have made the voyage at the most un-
propitious season of the year and under circumstances
that could not have failed to make the voyage an
object of dread to one at least of the party.
It will probably be universally accepted by those
interested in preserving the integrity and dignity of the
Mary Jemison legend that the natural sense of the
legend should prevail and that the date of arrival of
MARY JEMISON. 307
the Jemison family at Philadelphia should be ac-
credited as October 6, 1743.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
9. MARSH CREEK.
(Page 19, line 26.)
Marsh Creek rises in South Mountain, in Franklin
township, Adams County, Penn., about ten or eleven
miles northwest of Gettysburg. For the first seven
or eight miles of its course it flows in a generally
eastward and southeastward direction through a
broad valley on the north side of and substantially
parallel with the Chambersburg pike or State high-
way leading from Gettysburg to Chambersburg.
Then it bends towards the south, crosses the pike,
and follows a winding course past the western side of
the battlefield of Gettysburg with which it is asso-
ciated in the history of the Civil War. From the
Gettysburg side it receives as a tributary Willoughby
Run, which also figures in the history of the battle of
Gettysburg, and from the west it is joined by Little
Marsh Creek. Continuing southward, and just after
crossing the State line into Maryland, it joins Rock
Creek which comes down on the easterly side of
Gettysburg, and their united waters form the Mono-
cacy River, which empties into the Potomac about
thirty-five miles northwest of Washington.
The reader interested in studying the geography
and topography of the country in which Mary
Jemison's family first settled may profitably consult
the Gettysburg and Fairfield quadrangles of the
United States Geological Survey, which jointly em-
brace the area lying between latitudes 39° 45' and
40° oo' north, and longitudes 77° oo' and 77° 30' west.
308 LIFE OF
The sketch map printed in this book is based upon
them.
The exact location of the first domicile of the
Jemisons on Marsh Creek is not known and will
probably so remain unless it shall be disclosed by
records of land conveyances of which we have no
knowledge at the present writing. The family were
not captured while living at their first homestead,
but after they had moved to another part of the farm
or to another neighborhood not far away (see page
21). As the location of the latter place is definitely
known to have been near the confluence of Sharps
Run and Conewago Creek, less than two and a half
miles from Marsh Creek (see page 220), and as Mary
Jemison says that her second home was only "a short
distance from our former abode," we may infer that
the first home of the Jemisons was in the upper end
of the Marsh Creek valley on the north side of the
Chambersburg pike within a few miles of Marsh
Creek Hollow. A typical landscape of this section,
looking eastward from Marsh Creek Hollow, is de-
picted in one of the illustrations of this book.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
10. THE SPRING OF 1752.
(Page 20, line 21.)
This reference to the "spring of 1752" probably
means the spring of 1755. The earliest narrative of
captivity, in Pritts's "Border Life," is that of Col.
James Smith who was captured in May, 1755, when
building the road from Fort Loudon to Turkey Foot,
where it was to join the Braddock Road; and as the
beginning of Indian raids into western Pennsylvania
has commonly been associated with Braddock's ex-
MARY JEMISON. 309
pedition and defeat it is presumable that the be-
ginning of the period of alarm to which Mary Jemison
refers here was the spring of 1755 rather than the
spring of 1752 and is merely an example of the error
of three years so common in Mary Jemison's narrative
and due, in the first instance, to her error of three
years as to the date of her abduction. See note No. 14
following on the date of abduction. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
ii. BATTLE OF GREAT MEADOWS.
(Page 21, line 5.)
The following memorandum is communicated by
the Rev. Dr. Donehoo:
"The battle referred to here was the one fought
by Washington with the French under M. Coulon de
Villiers, July 3, 1754, at Fort Necessity near the
present Farmington, Pa., a battle in which Washing-
ton lost 30 men killed, 42 wounded."
— Reviser, ed. !Ql8.
12. THE WINTER OF 1754-5.
(Page 21, last line.)
This characterization of the winter of 1754-5 must
be taken as a characterization of the winter actually
preceding the abduction of the Jemisons, that is, the
winter of 1757-8. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
13. COMMON FALL SEASONS.
(Page 22, line i.)
A memorandum from the librarian of the Pennsyl-
vania Historical Society, in answer to an inquiry,
shows that in southeastern Pennsylvania not only
was the winter of 1754-5 "as mild as common fall
seasons," but that the winter of 1757-8 was of the
3io LIFE OF
same character, and, therefore, it is to be inferred
that meteorologically the text is supported by either
year as the date of the abduction. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
14. DATE OF THE ABDUCTION.
(Page 22, line 18.)
The true date of the abduction of the Jemison
family was Wednesday, April 5, 1758. This date is
conclusively established by two excerpts given below,
from The Pennsylvania Gazette. The first and most
important of these excerpts bears date April 13, 1758.
It is a letter from York County, Pa., written April 5,
1758, and reads as follows:
"Three Indians were seen this Day by two Boys
near Thomas Jamieson's, at the Head of Marsh Creek;
upon which they gave the Alarm, when six Men went
to said Jamieson's House, and found there one Robert
Buck killed and scalped; also a Horse killed, that
belonged to William Man, a Soldier at Carlisle,
whose Wife and Children had just come to live with
Jamieson. This Woman, and her three Children,
Thomas Jamieson, his Wife, and five or six Children,
are all missing. The same Day, a Person going to
ShippenVTown, saw a Number of Indians near that
Place, and imagined they designed to attack it. —
This has thrown the Country into great Confusion."
The second excerpt from The Pennsylvania Gazette
in this connection is from the issue of April 20, 1758:
"We have advice from Maryland that a party of
Cherokee Indians are set out from Fort Frederick
in pursuit of the Indians that did the mischief lately
in York County."
For these excerpts, so conclusive in the matter of
the date of the abduction of the Jemison family,
MARY JEMISON. 311
we are indebted to Dr. John W. Jordan, previously
mentioned.
A probable explanation of the cause of Mary
Jemison's error as to the date of her abduction, sug-
gested by Dr. Jordan, is that with the lapse of years
she confused the date of her own abduction, 1758,
with the date of the beginning of the Indian raids in
that part of Pennsylvania where the Jemisons lived,
i. e., the year of Braddock's expedition and defeat,
1755-
An error of three years occurs repeatedly in Mary
Jemison's text and is due, doubtless, to this initial
error as to the date of her abduction.
It is to be observed in this connection that what is
quite certainly the first printed notice of the abduction
of Mary Jemison, that is, the notice in The Pennsyl-
vania Gazette given above, appeared the eighth day
(April 13) after the abduction (April 5). That this
notice was copied more or less extensively by the
press is shown in the citation below of an Addendum
prepared by the Rev. W. K. Zieber, D.D., for The
Gettysburg Compiler of December II, 1879, a copy of
which was sent November 29, 1879, to Dr. Letch-
worth and was found among his papers by Dr.
Letchworth's secretary, Miss Caroline Bishop. The
portion of the Addendum essential to the purpose in
hand is as follows:
"In * Watson's Annals' there is a brief mention of
the abduction of the Jemison family. Among ' sundry
facts gleaned from the New York Mercury, &c., (sic)
from 1755 to J7^3' the following item occurs: *I7J>8,
York County, April 5. Three Indians were seen this
day near Thomas Jemison's at the head of Marsh
Creek. After the alarm was given six men proceeded
to Jemison's house, and found Robert Buck killed
312 LIFE OF
and scalped — all the rest of the family are missing.
The same day a person going to Shippenstown saw a
number of Indians. These facts have caused much
alarm/'3
The citation given above has been verified at the
New York Public Library by the secretary of the
American Scenic and Historic Preservation Society,
Dr. Edward Hagaman Hall, and its correctness as-
certained (though the name Jemison is spelled
Jamieson). The exact title of the work here referred
to is, "Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania in
the Olden Time," by John F. Watson. The work is
printed in two volumes. Copies of the three earliest
editions of the work, those of 1850, 1857, 1884, are
in the New York Public Library. The passage will be
found on page 185 of the second volume of each of the
three editions inspected. A comparison of the cita-
tion above from Watson's "Annals" with the excerpt
from The Pennsylvania Gazette at the beginning of this
note shows that Mr. Watson made a serious though
probably an unintentional error in accrediting au-
thorities for the date and that the reading public
owes its first knowledge of the correct date of the
abduction of Mary Jemison to the columns of The
Pennsylvania Gazette.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
15. WILLIAM MANN.
(Page 24. line n.)
The woman's husband referred to was William
Mann, a soldier at Carlisle (see note No. 14). At
this time (April, 1758) William Mann could not have
been with Washington, as in that year (1758) Washing-
CORNPLANTER
From studies of several originals.
MARY JEMISON. 313
ton was in command of Fort Loudon in Winchester,
Virginia. Evidently as Washington's War, so-called,
took place in 1754, Mary Jemison's historic confusion
is here one of a four-year period instead of the three-
year period ordinarily observed, and though allowance
for a three-year error does not give the usual satis-
factory result, there is little or no doubt that Mary
Jemison's error here is due to her mistake as to the
date of her abduction. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
1 6. FIRST DAY OF CAPTIVITY.
(Page 25, line 8.)
Mary Jemison's captivity began April 5, 1758,
destined to last till the end of her life, in 1833, though
just after the close of the War of the Revolution she
was offered her liberty by her Indian brother, Kau-
jises-tau-ge-au, an offer which after full consideration
she decided to decline. As Mary Jemison was born
in the summer of 1743 she was at the date of her ab-
duction a little less than fifteen years of age. During
the first eight days of her captivity (i. e., from early
morn of Wednesday, April 5, 1758, till Wednesday
afternoon, April 12, 1758) Mary Jemison and her
fellow-captives were hurried forward with merciless
haste from Marsh Creek to Fort Pitt. The second
night all the captives except Mary and one other
were most cruelly murdered. See note No. 33 fol-
lowing on the route pursued by her abductors. — Re-
viser, ed. 1918.
17. MARY'S Two BROTHERS.
(Page 25, line 9 )
The Rev. E. F. McFarland, a missionary at Taiku,
Korea, who declared himself to be a descendant of
3H LIFE OF
one of these two brothers, visited Letchworth Park
during the summer of 1913. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
1 8. MARY'S AGE WHEN CAPTURED.
(Page 25, line 21.)
As Mary was born in the year 1742 or 1743, and
was taken captive in 1755, she was at this time about
thirteen years of age. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
Morgan was in error in the above note. As Mary
was captured in 1758 (see note No. 14), she was then
about fifteen. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
19. SECOND DAY OF CAPTIVITY.
(Page 26, line sO
The second day of Mary Jemison's captivity begins
on April 6, 1758. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
20. FORT CANAGOJIGGE.
(Page 26, line 19.)
The site of the fort here called by Thomas Jemison
"Fort Canagojigge" is uncertain. Mr. McCauley
in his "History of Franklin County, Pennsylvania,"
enumerates eight forts as situated in the valley or
tract of land between the main branch and the v/est
branch of Conococheague Creek, an affluent of the
Potomac River, no one of which forts was officially
known as Fort Conococheague. It is possible, how-
ever, that the designation Fort Conococheague, popu-
larly pronounced "Canagojigge," was used loosely of
any of the forts. On the other hand, Mr. John M.
Cooper, editor of The Chambersburg Valley Spirit,
MARY JEMISON. 315
thinks that Fort Chambers, at or near Chambersburg
on the main branch, was the only one to which the
name was likely to have been applied; but certainly
it was not Fort Chambers to which Thomas Jemison
applied the name on April 6, 1758, as the abductors
with their captives had been speeding westward from
Marsh Creek nearly a day and a half and undoubtedly
had by that time reached at least the west branch.
Of the eight Conococheague forts, Fort Chambers has
already been mentioned as on the main branch.
With scarcely an exception the remaining forts were
located north and south along or near the west branch
as a protection to the frontier of the Conococheague
Settlement, as it was called, the principal fort being
Fort Loudon, directly west from Fort Chambers.
As Fort Loudon was usually occupied in force, it is
unlikely that the abductors passed westward near
enough for the captives to see that stronghold. Fort
McCord, a smaller fort north of Fort Loudon, may
have been, and probably was, the one sighted, since
at that time Fort McCord was in ruins, having been
destroyed two years previously by the Indians,
April 4, 1756. A memorandum received from Rev.
George P. Donehoo, D.D., secretary of the Pennsyl-
vania Historical Commission, regards the evidence
as conclusive that the fort passed was Fort McCord. —
Reviser, ed. 1918.
21. THIRD DAY OF CAPTIVITY.
(Page 28, line 28.)
The third day of Mary Jemison's captivity begins
April 7, 1758. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
3i6 LIFE OF
22. BETSEY JAMISON.
(Page 29, line 17.)
A memorandum from Secretary Donehoo of the
Pennsylvania Historical Commission states that
among the names of the white captives who were de-
livered to Col. Bouquet, Commander of Fort Pitt,
in 1764, is that of "Betsey Jamison," who was re-
turned from the Lower Shawnee Town at the mouth
of the Scioto River. It certainly is a matter of great-
est v/onder that within such a brief period the Shaw-
nees should have captured two "Betsey Jamisons,"
but under the circumstances it is easier to accept an
inexplicable coincidence of names than to believe
that Mary's own sister escaped that dreadful night at
the "dark and dismal swamp" without Mary's
knowledge or suspicion of the fact. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
23. THE WOMAN'S "Two CHILDREN."
(Page 29, line 17.)
To be accurate this statement should read, "her
two other children." Compare page 25, line 6:
"The woman and her three children," and page 28,
line 7: "the little boy that belonged to the woman
who was taken with us." — Reviser, ed. 1918.
24. FOURTH DAY OF CAPTIVITY.
(Page 31, line 14.)
The fourth day of Mary Jemison's captivity begins
April 8? 1758,— Reviser, ed.
MARY JEMISON. 317
25. FIFTH DAY OF CAPTIVITY.
(Page 31, line 18.)
The fifth day of Mary Jamison's captivity begins
April 9, 1758. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
26. SIXTH AND SEVENTH DAYS OF CAPTIVITY.
(Page 31, line 33.)
The sixth and seventh days of Mary Jemison's
captivity pass: April 10 and April n, 1758. — Reviser,
ed. 1918.
27. EIGHTH DAY OF CAPTIVITY.
(Page 32, line 16.)
The eighth day of Mary Jemison's captivity begins
April 12, 1758. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
28. PEACE CEREMONY APPROACHING A TOWN.
(Page 32, line 23.)
A memorandum from the New York State Archaeol-
ogist, Mr. Arthur C. Parker, in answer to an inquiry,
says:
"The ceremony here referred to which Mary
Jemison witnessed outside the fort was undoubtedly
the ceremony prescribed by the constitution of the
Confederacy or in the prelude which described the
journeys and trials of Hiawatha and Deganawideh.
The custom was for the individual or party to halt,
build a fire and for the men to stand about it with
their arms at a distance and peacefully smoke while
they awaited the coming of a messenger from the
village. An approach of this kind was construed to
indicate the peaceful intent of the person or parties
coming upon a town or settlement. Sometimes a
3i8 LIFE OF
string of wampum was strung from a pole to indicate
that the people approaching the village were familiar
with the usages of intertribal courtesy."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
29. "THE NAVIGATOR."
(Page 32, line 30.)
The foot-note "Navigator" in the first edition un-
doubtedly refers to Zadoc Cramer's work entitled
"The Navigator; or the Trader's Useful Guide in
Navigating the Monongahela, Allegheny, Ohio and
Mississippi Rivers." Frequent editions of this work
appeared: the first at Pittsburgh, 1801, and the
twelfth in the year of the publication of "The Life of
Mary Jemison," 1 824. The verification is through the
eighth edition, Pittsburgh, 1814, a copy of which is in
the library of Cornell University. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
30. INDIAN INTERPRETERS.
(Page 32, line 31.)
Apropos of this first of many interpretations of
Indian names which appear in this volume, it may
be said that in all investigations into Indian subjects
the Indian interpreter so-called is an important
functionary and it would be well if original investi-
gators were compelled by custom to name the in-
terpreter to whom they are principally indebted for
their views and to describe in detail his qualifications.
By an Indian interpreter is here meant one who by
birth or by adoption and long residence and by certain
intellectual aptitudes is learned in the language of a
tribe or nation, and of its customs, traditions and
history and is also gifted in power to express ade-
quately the lore of which he is master.
MARY JEMISON. 319
Of interpreters who are Indians by adoption, pos-
sibly the most conspicuous is Horatio Jones who
rendered such invaluable services to the government.
For an interesting account of his life see the Buffalo
Historical Society's "Collections" Volume VI, is-
sued under the superintendence of the librarian, Mr.
Frank H. Severance. Associated with the name of
Horatio Jones is that of Jasper Parrish, of whom also
a very satisfactory relation is made in Volume VI of
the Buffalo Historical Society's "Collections" before
referred to.
Of interpreters who arc Indian by birth, unques-
tionably the most notable is General Ely S. Parker,
member of General Grant's staff during the Civil
War. General Parker was a Seneca Sachem and the
invaluable friend and the collaborator of Mr. Morgan
in the preparation of "The League of the Iroquois," and
to him Mr. Morgan dedicated that monumental work.
General Parker's grand-nephew, Mr. Arthur C.
Parker, is well known as the official ethnologist of the
State of New York.
The Rev. Albert Cusick, an educated and talented
Onondaga, was interpreter for the Rev. Dr. Beau-
champ. Dr. Horatio Hale ("The Iroquois Book of
Rites") also spoke of his "Interpreter, Albert Cuesick,
an intelligent and educated man."
For an ample list consult Pilling's "Bibliography of
Iroquoian Languages." — Reviser, ed. 1918.
31. "WESTERN TOUR."
(Page 32, line 34.)
"Western Tour" is the abbreviated ( title of an
interesting book of travels by F. Cuming, published
at Pittsburgh, 1810, with notes and an appendix by
320 LIFE OF
Zadock Cramer as editor. The statements here
quoted are the appendix, the editor of which gives as
his authority a letter received by him from the Rev.
John Heckewelder, dated Gnadenhutten (Muskin-
gum, Ohio) 3 Feb., 1810. — Reviser, ed. igi8.
32. THE WORD "Omo."
(Page 33, line 2.)
0-hee-yo, the radix of the word Ohio, signifies the
Beautiful River; and the Iroquois, by conferring it
upon the Alleghany, or head branch of the Ohio, have
not only fixed a name from their language upon one
of the great rivers of the continent, but indirectly
upon one of the noblest States of our Confederacy.
("League of the Iroquois," p. 436.) — -Morgan, ed. 1856.
A memorandum from the Rev. William M. Beau-
champ, S.T.D., author of "Aboriginal Place Names of
New York," in answer to an inquiry about the word
Ohio says the termination io, primarily great but now
beautiful, has in his opinion always combined both
meanings; for example, Ontario is the great lake, and
Ohio the great river, though both are translated
beautiful. Of the erroneous statement in the text
that the word 0-hi-o signifies bloody, it is suggested
(p. 32 "Aboriginal Place Names") that this definition
originated by association and commemorates the
bloody scenes enacted along the Ohio. — 'Reviser, ed.
1918.
33. ROUTE OF MARY'S ABDUCTORS.
(Page 33, line 9.)
The place of Mary Jemison's capture is described on
pages 213-227 preceding, and is shown on the accom-
RED JACKET
From original owned by the Buffalo Historical Society
MARY JEMISON. 321
panying map. It was near the confluence of Sharp's
Run and Conewago Creek, about a mile from one of
the headwaters of Marsh Creek, in Franklin Town-
ship, Adams County, Pa., about 10^ miles in an air-
line northwest of Gettysburg. The route of her ab-
ductors from this point to Fort Duquesne (later
named Fort Pitt and now Pittsburgh) may be fol-
lowed upon the accompanying reduced facsimile of
W. Scull's famous map of the Province of Pennsyl-
vania. The original map, 31 by 21 inches in size, dis-
playing at the top in colors the coat-of-arms of the
Province of Pennyslvania, was printed at Philadelphia
April 4, 1770. A copy of the map is owned by the
Rev. George P. Donehoo, D.D., of Coudersport, Pa.,
secretary of the Pennsylvania Historical Commission,
by whom it was kindly loaned to the Reviser. Dr.
Donehoo, who is the best authority on this branch of
the subject, has added to the original map an indica-
tion of the location of Marsh Creek, Fort McCord,
and the probable route of the captors to the vicinity
of Fort Littleton, and has emphasized the route from
that point westward to Fort Pitt.
As an authority on the geography and early history
of this region, Dr. Donehoo thinks that the Indians,
after capturing Mary Jemison, struck off northwest-
ward through the wilderness; passed north of Cono-
cocheague Creek; crossed the Chambersburg, Ship-
pensburg and Carlisle Pike near the present Scotland,
which is north of Fort Chambers (now Chambersburg),
and continued thence in the same general direction
past the site of Fort McCord. This course is iden-
tified by Dr. Donehoo as substantially the one pur-
sued by the captors of Richard Bard and family
who were taken prisoners eight days later (April 13,
322 LIFE OF
1758) at Marshall's Mill in Carroll's Tract, in the
same general region as the Jemison homestead. For-
tunately Richard Bard lived to write out the details
of his capture and the course his captors took. Rich-
ard Bard's narrative may be found in Pritts' Collec-
tion, mentioned in note No. 126.
From Fort McCord, the route was northward and
westward to the vicinity of Fort Littleton. From
this point onward, the general route may be described
as being what is known as the State Highway or Lin-
coln Highway between Philadelphia and Pittsburgh,
which, we need not be surprised to learn, is simply
the primitive Indian trail between the Delaware and
Ohio rivers. This portion of this primitive Indian
trail Dr. Donehoo has been at pains to make readily
discernible on the map by heavier marking. It will
be noted that from Fort Littleton the line passes west-
ward through Bedford, Edmund's Swamp, Fort
Ligonier, Col. Bouquet's field at Bushy Run (a battle
not fought, however, till August, 1763), thence past
Gen. Braddock's field (1755) to Fort Pitt. It is
probable, Dr. Donehoo says, that Mary's captors
left the main trail in several places to avoid scouting
parties from Fort Loudon.
Fort McCord, as already stated (see note No. 20),
was probably the "Fort Canagojigge" which Thomas
Jemison pointed out. The site, on the west branch
of the Conococheague, about eight miles west of
Chambersburg on the John W. Bossart farm, has
been marked by the Pennsylvania Historical Com-
mission with a granite monument containing a large
bronze tablet.
Edmund's swamp, the largest along the route as
shown on the map, cannot possibly be, from its skua-
MARY JEMISON. 323
tion, the "dark and dismal swamp" within whose
borders Mary represents herself as sleeping the second
night after this frightful journey began — a journey
which at its end found her with clothes so torn in
pieces that she was almost naked. (See page 36.)
Dr. Donehoo considers it probable that the swamp
mentioned in the narrative was that which was situ-
ated in the early days along the first range of moun-
tains west of Fort McCord. There were many dark
and dismal swamps in that region at that time, before
the trees were cut down and the land was drained
and cultivated. Some of these swamps have been
drained in recent years.
Dr. Donehoo states that the distance from the
Jemison homestead to Fort Pitt is about 175 miles
and that the trail is a difficult one. Having traveled
it twice on foot its entire length in research work, he
is quite sure it could not have been gone over by
Mary Jemison and her fellow-captives in the time
named by her, which is a trifle less than six days of
actual travel. Nevertheless, the interested reader,
carefully re-reading Mary Jemison's account, will note
that the Indian captors literally hurtled their captives
through the whole distance, and that at the end of
the fifth day of continuous travel Mary pathetically
confesses that she was so exhausted from exposure
and running that she must fail and die. In connection
with this thrilling and trying experience, it is to be
borne in mind that Mary was then a little less than
fifteen years of age, delicate and small, indeed even
when full grown only four and a half feet in height
and apparently not particularly robust. But the
spirit enshrined in her was so resolute and heroic
324 LIFE OF
that she came at last through hardships almost in-
credible to fourscore and ten years of age.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
34. NINTH DAY or CAPTIVITY.
(Page 34. Hne 10.)
The ninth day of Mary Jemison's captivity begins
April 13, 1758. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
35. THE SENECA NATION.
(Page 34, line 21.)
The Senecas were a considerable element of the
Indian population along the Ohio River. No statis-
tics are at hand to show how large an element they
were in the year of Mary Jemison's coming, 1758;
but the report made to the Pennsylvania Colonial
Council by Conrad Weiser of the Indian Council held
ten years earlier, in September, 1748, under his super-
vision at Logstown about twenty miles down the
Ohio from Pittsburgh, shows the number of the right-
ing men of each nation settled at that time on the
Ohio as given by the deputies in council to have been
as follows, the count being by bundles of small sticks :
"Senecas, 163; Shawanees, 162; Owandots, 100;
Tisagechroamis, 40; Mohawks, 74; Mohicans, 15;
Onondagos, 35; Cayugas, 20; Onedias, 15; Dela-
wares, 165; in all, 789." (See Logstown, a pamphlet
by Daniel Agnew, LL.D., Pittsburgh, 1894.) In this
connection it is worth notice that, in the number of
their fighting men, the Senecas were surpassed by the
Delawares alone, and by them only by two men, but
these figures do not include the Senecas in New York.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
MARY JEMISON. 325
36. THE SHAWNEES.
(Page 34. line 27.)
The home country of the Shawnees, at the period of
colonization by the Europeans, was in the western
part of the present State of Kentucky. They are
thus located by Albert Gallatin, on his map of the
sites of the Indian tribes of the continent, published
in the second volume of "The Transactions of the
American Ethnological Society." The name of this
nation in the Seneca dialect of the Iroquois language
is Sa-wd-no'-o-no. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
Three different tribes of Indians are connected
with Mary Jemison's life in southern Ohio: the
Shawnees, six of whom with four Frenchmen ab-
ducted her and took her to Fort DuQuesne; the
Senecas, to two of whose women she was given and
by whom she was afterward adopted; and the Dela-
wares, to one of whom, a chief, she was married
in 1760. — Reviser y ed. 1918.
37. SHAWNEE TOWN.
(Page 35, line 6.)
The Shawnee town which Mary's party passed was
probably Shingas Town, near the junction of Beaver
River with the Ohio, about 30 miles below Pittsburgh.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
38. "SQUAW" A TERM OF DISREPUTE.
(Page 35, line 20.)
The following memorandum concerning the use of
the word squaw is furnished by Mr. Arthur C. Parker,
New York State Archaeologist, in answer to inquiries
326 LIFE OF
by the Reviser of the 1918 edition to whom it had
been suggested by Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt of the Bureau
of American Ethnology that the popular usage of the
word squaw was objectionable. Mr. Parker says:
"I scarcely believe that Mary Jemison ever used
the term squaw and think most likely that her biog-
rapher, without considering the matter, had used it
where she had said woman. The word squaw among
the Iroquois is a term of disrepute and you will find
that its use on the reservations in New York and
Canada is greatly resented. In a foot-note in my
'Iroquois Uses of Maize and Other Food Plants/ I
have mentioned this and given some explanation.
With the Indians of our State the term is obsolete
in the same sense as the word wench is obsolete when
applied to a housewife of English descent.
"The word squaw was originally used by the early
settlers of New England to designate an Indian woman
and it is derived from a word the root of which is squa,
meaning female. It was generally used in compounds,
however; — thus the Penobscot word nunk-squa means
young woman. Roger Williams in his Narraganset
vocabulary spells the word, as it is now current, squaw.
The word for an old woman is wenise, and the word
for mother is okasu or witchwhau, while wife is weewo
and little girl is squasese. The word therefore does
not imply either motherhood or the holding of
property. In Iroquois the word for man is ongweh
and for male is Hahjino, and the word for woman is
yongwe; small boy is raxa-a; girl is yixa-a; child is
exa-a; infant is owira-a. The name for youth, male,
unmarried is raksaadase; the name for youth, female,
unmarried is yiksaazase, both meaning new bodied.
The word for father is rakeniha; mother is isteaga.
These words are all in the Mohawk dialect and are
similar to those in the other tongues, as Onondaga
and Seneca.
"I can appreciate your feeling of delicacy in this
matter of calling an Iroquois woman a squaw, but
MARY JEMISON. 327
no one can accuse you of malice aforethought if you
have merely quoted Seaver's manuscript."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
39. SHE-NAN-JEE.
(Page 35, line 20 and foot-note.)
Of the two locations suggested by the author, Dr.
Seaver, in the foot-note on page 35, as probably the
site of the "small Seneca Indian town" to which Mary
Jemison was taken, the mouth of Indian Cross Creek
is now generally accepted as the true one. (See note
No. 60.) Of Warren, the second or alternative loca-
tion suggested, it is to be noticed that later, the name
was changed to Warrenton. Mr. Cuming, in his
book, "The Western Tour," Pittsburgh, 1810, quoted
on page 32 (see note No. 31), speaks in Chapter VII
of the "new town and settlement of Warren," stating
(page 93) that "it contains thirty-eight dwelling
houses, charmingly situated on an extensive bottom,
with Indian Short Creek emptying into the Ohio at
its southern extremity." — Reviser, ed. 1918.
40. MARY'S INDIAN DRESS.
(Page 36, line 5.)
The reader who visits Letchworth Park will be
interested in the portrayal of Indian costume in the
bronze statue of Mary Jemison by the well-known
sculptor, Mr. Henry Kirke Bush-Brown. The figure
represents her as she is supposed to have appeared
when she arrived in the Genesee country, carrying her
babe on her back. The costume was modeled after
authentic specimens of the period found in the New
York State Museum at Albany, the American Museum
of Natural History in New York, and private collec-
328 LIFE OF
tions. Some, but not all, of the specimens of the
New York State Museum from which various features
of the statue were modeled were destroyed by fire
in the capitol on March 29, 1911. The majority
of them are now on exhibition in the State Museum.
For detailed description see the Sixteenth Annual
Report of the American Scenic and Historic Preserva-
tion Society, 1911, pages 233 and 234. About 10,000
specimens were lost in the fire above mentioned, in-
cluding the Iroquois textiles and many of the Morgan
specimens. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
41. MARY'S INDIAN NAME.
(Page 37, line 27.)
The correct spelling of Mary Jemison's Indian
name is Deh-ge-wa-nus. It is possible that in Dr.
Seaver's original manuscript notes it was written
Dickewanus, which closely represents the correct
pronunciation, and that in transcribing for the printer
or in setting up in type the nu of the last syllable be-
came changed unintentionally to mi. Dr. Seaver
interprets the name on page 38, lines 6-8, as a pretty
girl, a handsome girl, or a pleasant, good thing. Mr.
Mix, in his transmogrification of the work, in 1842,
not only changed the spelling in the text to Deh-he-wa-
mis, but also put it in the title-page and used it in the
running-heads at the top of the pages. In the
fifteenth edition (1877) Mr. William C. Bryant called
attention to the error, saying:
"The orthography of the name conferred upon the
captive ... is incorrectly given in the body of this
work, and the signification is erroneously rendered.
The name should be written Deh-ge-wa-nus, and
MARY JEMISON. 329
means literally The-Two-f Calling-Voices" (See pages
198-199 preceding.)
Notwithstanding what Mr. Bryant wrote, the spell-
ing Deh-he-wa-mis was continued through that and
subsequent editions to and including the nineteenth.
Dr. William M. Beauchamp, in a letter dated
September 25, 1913, points out, as Mr. Parker had
already done (see below), that there are no labials in
the Iroquois dialects and thus Deh-he-wa-mis is in-
correct. He expresses the pronunciation ortho-
graphically De-gi-wa-nahs^ meaning two females letting
words fall.
Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, in a letter dated October I,
191 3, gives the spelling De-gi-wdn-nenys^ explaining that
e and i have the continental later sound; d has the
sound of a in hat; e has the sound of e in met; n-superior
nasalizes the preceding vowel; and the apostrophe
represents a glottal closure. The meaning given is
the voices of two (women) are falling.
When the statue of Mary Jemison was erected in
Letchworth Park in 1910, Mr. Arthur C. Parker was
consulted as to the spelling of the name to be put on
the base, and wrote:
"Mr. Seaver never spelled Mary Jemison's name
correctly. This is self-evident, as there is no m-
sound in the Iroquois language. The correct spelling
is Deh-ge-wa-nus. ' '
The latter spelling was therefore adopted and put
upon the statue. On December 12, 1915, Mr. Parker
indicated the phonography of the name with more
care in the spelling De-glr-wdn-nes, with accent on the
second syllable. He says her pet name was Wen'-nes,
accent on the first syllable. — Reviser, ed.
22
330 LIFE OF
42. WASHINGTON'S WAR.
(Page 38, line 13.)
The year before the abduction was 1757; Wash-
ington's war was 1754 — an error of three years, the
same as Mary Jemison's error as to the date of her
abduction and probably the result of that error. —
Reviser, ed. 1918.
43. INDIAN FAMILY SACRIFICES.
(Page 39, line 10.)
Concerning Mary Jemison's statement that it is
family, and not national, sacrifices amongst the
Indians that has given them an indelible stamp as
barbarians, we give below an excerpt from one of a
series of articles contributed to The Gettysburg Com-
piler, Gettysburg, Pa., during the winter of 1879-80
by the Rev. W. K. Zieber, D.D., of Hanover, Pa.,
on the Mary Jemison legend:
"It was in their wars with the whites that the
Indians gained their unenviable reputation for bar-
barous cruelty. We shudder as we read of the
atrocities they committed upon their helpless cap-
tives. In their raids upon the frontier settlement
they often massacred innocent and unresisting women
and children. But there were whites who were guilty
of the same savagery. When the Jemison family
was butchered in the year 1755 [1758], in that 'dark
and dismal swamp,' somewhere west of Chambersburg,
three French soldiers were present, who sanctioned, if
they did not take part in, the bloody tragedy. The
Indians scalped the dying and the dead in order that
they might exhibit trophies of their prowess. White
frontiersmen did the same thing for the same purpose.
The heaviest condemnation that rests upon the In-
dians is on account of the dreadful tortures they at
MARY JEMISON. 331
times inflicted upon the whites whom they had taken
captive. Of this cruel custom Mary Jemison gives an
unexpected explanation. She says the Indians tor-
tured and slew prisoners as an act of sacrifice, and
that this was not a national but a family offering. It
would seem that the stern law of blood-revenge was in
force among the aborigines. A family that had lost
a relative in war was religiously bound either to fill
his place, when the opportunity was offered, with some
prisoner, who was formally adopted into the family
and substituted for the lost one, or else they had to
offer a prisoner in sacrifice to appease the manes
of their slain relative.
'"'It was and yet is a common practice among
peoples of patriarchal habits, for the nearest of kin,
as a matter of imperative duty, to avenge the death ot
a slain relative by slaying his murderer, or some mem-
ber of his family or nation. This custom was in
vogue among the Jews in the time of Moses. That
eminent law-giver sought by legal enactment to
ameliorate the evils connected with such blood-
revenge. He appointed cities of refuge whither the
man-slayer might flee, and escape the avenger of
blood. Then he became a prisoner of the nation, was
subject to trial, and, if guilty, to punishment. In our
own land and time there prevails a species of blood-
revenge, witnessed in the so-named ' Vendettas' which
often result in the gradual extinction of whole fam-
ilies. Seen in this light, the deadly tortures the
Indians inflicted upon their prisoners are not to be
ascribed to unfeeling ferocity and unbounded cruelty,
but to the power of a custom which had for them the
obligation of a religious duty."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
44. THE INDIAN PRACTICE OF ADOPTION.
(Page 39, line 29.)
"The Iroquois never exchanged prisoners with
Indian nations, nor ever sought to reclaim their own
332 LIFE OF
people from captivity among them. Adoption or the
torture were the alternative chances of the captive.
* * * A regular ceremony of adoption was performed
in each case to complete the naturalization. With
captives this ceremony was the gauntlet, after which
new names were assigned to them. Upon the return
of a war party with captives, if they had lost any of
their own number in the expedition, the families to
which these belonged were first allowed an opportunity
to supply from the captives the places made vacant in
their households. Any family could then adopt out
of the residue any such as chanced to attract their
favorable notice, or whom they wished to save.
At the time appointed, the women and children
of the village arranged themselves in two parallel
rows just without the village, each one having a
whip with which to lash the captives as they passed
between the lines. The male captives, who alone
were required to undergo this test of their powers of
endurance, were brought out, and each one was
shown in turn the house in which he was to take
refuge, and which was to be his future home if he
passed successfully through the ordeal. They were
then taken to the head of this long avenue of whips,
and were compelled, one after another, to run through
it for their lives, and for the entertainment of the
surrounding throng, exposed at every step, unde-
fended, and with naked backs, to the merciless in-
fliction of the whip. Those who fell from exhaustion
were immediately dispatched, as unworthy to be
saved; but those who emerged in safety from this
test of their physical energies were from that moment
treated with the utmost affection and kindness.
When the perils of the gauntlet were over, the captive
ceased to be an enemy, and became an Iroquois. Not
only so, but he was received into the family by which
he was adopted, with all the cordiality of affection,
and into all the relations of the one whose place he
was henceforth to occupy." ("League of the Iro-
quois," page 343.)— 'Morgan, (d, 1856*
MARY JEMISON. 333
As the Indian practice of adoption — a primitive
social system of great importance which under the
form of naturalization survives in the civilization of
to-day — can properly be described in this connection
only with reference to its more individual and popular
phases, persons interested in the graver aspects of
the subject, particularly the philosophy of it, are re-
ferred to the Smithsonian Institution's "Handbook of
American Indians" and especially to two very read-
able and scholarly articles therein furnished by Mr.
J. N. B. Hewitt and entitled "Adoption" and "Or-
enda," also to Mr. Hewitt's article on the latter sub-
ject in "The American Anthropologist" for 1902.
It is to be regretted that there is no popular handbook
of this custom and its allied subjects, as the general
reader will search in vain in our latest and best
English dictionaries and encyclopedias and even in
more recondite works, such, for example, as Maine's
"Ancient Law" and Frazer's "Golden Bough," for
any intimation that there is such a thing as the Indian
Practice of Adoption and that the reason for its
existence must be looked for in the occult.
Among the Iroquois adoption was practiced not
merely as regards individuals, but also as regards
"families, clans or gentes, bands and tribes." (See
page 15 "Handbook of American Indians.") How-
ever wanton and ruthless may have been the slaughter
and treatment of captives when the frenzy of battle
or revenge was on, the interest of captives was pro-
tected, theoretically, at least, among the Iroquois, by
usages and laws securing to them the privilege of
adoption.
In this connection Mr. A. C. Parker, the New York
State Archaeologist, in answer to an inquiry, writes:
334 LIFE OF
"The wampum laws of the League made it obliga-
tory to adopt all captives who signified their willing-
ness to enter the Confederacy. In case large numbers
were captured they were settled either in the Iroquois
villages or in little villages of their own in the Iroquois
domain. Thus the Iroquois had at various times in
villages captive Muskwaki, Huron, Neutral, Dela-
ware, &c. Great numbers of prisoners were seldom
killed. Adoption was the general rule. One cannot
judge the mental viewpoint of the Indian by present-
day Anglo-Saxon standards. A captive once in a
tribe gave his loyalty to it and traditions do not tell of
traitors. They had entered a new system, had be-
come a part of it and would fight for it. Captives
that no family would adopt, if plainly earnest in their
desire to be loyal to their conquerors would be given
either formal or informal national adoption and find
their place eventually in the life of the nation, marry
native women and be accorded every privilege.
Some, however, became slaves, but their children
were free born."
From this point of view adoption resolves itself,
as Mr. Parker states in his letter, into three kinds:
family, clan, national. But as the clan is a cross
division of the family and of the nation as a congeries
of families, clan adoption does not exist separately
from the family and the nation.
The adoption of Mary Jemison (pages 36-39) is an
instance of family adoption, that is, of adoption by
and into a family. Though a woman, she was adopted
to supply the place of a deceased brother. Her ac-
count of her adoption is possibly the most intimate
and readable account known of an adoption. An-
other instance of family adoption, this time of a male
captive, is one preserved by Dr. Beauchamp in his
"History of the New York Iroquois" (page 199).
According to the account given, Father Poncet was
MARY JEMISON. 335
taken prisoner August 20, 1653, with another French-
man who was burned. While in the Mohawk coun-
try, Father Poncet was adopted by a widow, and in
his account of his adoption, he says:
"So soon as I entered her cabin she began to sing
the song of the dead, in which she was joined by her
daughters. I was standing near the fire during these
mournful dirges; they made me sit upon a sort of
table slightly raised, and then I understood I was
in the place of the dead, for whom these women re-
newed the last mourning, to bring the deceased to life
again in my person, according to their custom."
Another instance of family adoption, interesting
and easily accessible, is that of Col. James Smith,
1755. (See Drake's "Indian Captivities," Auburn,
1851, pages 185, 186.) Unlike the preceding in-
stances, Colonel Smith was adopted, not in the place
of a deceased person, but "in the room and place of a
great man." His adoption was not into the Iroquois,
but into the Caughnawaga.
These three instances sufficiently typify family
adoption of individuals. The ceremonies of adoption
of individuals are by no means uniformly the same,
perhaps rarely so, but whatever the ceremonies, nam-
ing ceremonies and ceremonies of welcome are always
observed, and when the adoption is in the place of a
deceased person there will be a condolence ceremony
by which, writes Mr. Parker in his letter, "the
Iroquois symbolize the raising up of the name-spirit
of the departed in order to bestow it upon the new
incumbent; but the mental or soul spirit is not
awakened in the dead, great pains being taken to
make it rest in peace."
The adoption of groups (i. e., families, clans or
336 LIFE OF
gentes, bands and tribes) is effected by national ac-
tion. In his article on Adoption already referred to
Mr. Hewitt points out further that in the adoption
of a tribe a system of adoption by successive steps
was developed and permitted, and he cites the case of
the Tuscaroras who were made successively a nursling,
a boy, a young man, a man, an assistant to the official
woman cooks, a warrior, and, lastly, a peer; and
Mr. Hewitt further points out that in the adoption of
a tribe, the adoption might begin at an intermediate
step as it did in the case of the Delaware tribe, the
first step of whose adoption was as assistant cooks.
It is particularly interesting to note here that
among the Indians, after adoption, a reduction of
grade or rank was sometimes practiced equally in
the case of an individual and of a group. Col. James
Smith, in the narrative of his captivity (Drake, page
190), tells how he was reduced for two years from the
use of a gun to the use of a bow and arrows; and in
his "History of the New York Iroquois" (page 282)
Dr. Beauchamp recites how the Delawares, for selling
land without express authorization, were publicly re-
proved by the Iroquois and sent by them from a great
Council then sitting in Philadelphia.
In the adoption of male captives, Dr. Beauchamp's
view is that running the gauntlet had no essential
connection with it; that a man who had passed this
ordeal successfully might be regarded as more de-
sirable, but he was quite as likely to go to the stake,
it being simply a question whether anyone wished to
adopt him. Of the gauntlet, Mr. Parker writes:
"I should not say that the gauntlet was primarily
the ceremony of adoption, but, as Morgan says, only a
ceremony of adoption. Indeed, I think it was not
JAMES EVERETT SEAVER, M.D.
Author of " The Life of Mary Jemison.
MARY JEMISON. 337
always followed. The ordeal, gauntlet and torture
of the Iroquois are akin in psychological origin to the
triumph-marches and ceremonies of victory of the
Romans. To please the people there were games and
tortures and burnings of some of the unhappy
captives."
An interesting outgrowth of the Indian practice of
adoption is the development in comparatively recent
days of the system of complimentary adoption. In
this form of adoption, apparently the naming cere-
monies and the rites of adoption varied with the tribe
making the adoption and with the occasion, that is,
the person or persons being adopted. Two features,
however, were always present: 1st, an address stating
the reasons for adopting in the particular case, the
clans and persons adopting, and the name to be
given; 2d, the welcome, in which the candidate is
escorted up and down the council house by two
chiefs, the chiefs chanting and the people responding,
though marked differences in different cases are no-
ticeable in this portion of the ceremonial, in the case
of Mr. Conover, to be mentioned, the war song being
chanted. (For War Song see page 1 68 ante.)
There are two very notable instances of compli-
mentary adoption into the Iroquois in which the
persons adopted have left records in detail of the
ceremonies through which they passed.
The first one of them is the adoption, October 31,
1847, at the Tonawanda Reservation, of Lewis H.
Morgan of Rochester, author of the epoch-making
book, "The League of the Iroquois." Along with
Mr. Morgan were adopted two friends of his, Thomas
Darling of Auburn and Charles Talbot Porter of
Auburn, later of Montclair, New Jersey. The name
338 LIFE OF
given to Mr. Morgan was Td-yd-dd-o-wuh-kuh, mean-
ing one lying across, that is, a bridge or bond of union
between the Indians and the white men. The full
record will be found in "The League of the Iroquois,"
Volume II, pages 158-161 and page 163, edition of 1904.
The second notable instance is the adoption, June
15, 1885, at the Cattaraugus Reservation in the
presence of two hundred Indians or more of George
S. Conover of Geneva, author of "Kanadesaga and
Geneva," a manuscript work in three volumes, folio
of 995 pages, with an index, folio of 238 pages, not a
formal treatise, but a great storehouse of historic
material concerning the Iroquois, the Senecas, their
last capital Kanadesaga, and the early settlements,
especially in or about Geneva. In the case of Mr.
Conover, as in that of Mr. Morgan, two friends were
adopted at the same time, Mrs. Harriet Maxwell
Converse of New York City and Frederick H. Furniss
of Waterloo. The name given Mr. Conover was
Hy-we-saus, meaning History Investigator, a name well
given, for the industry as well as the patience of Mr.
Conover in historical investigation and compilation
was simply astounding. He made altogether six
copies of his history, giving them to the following
libraries: I, The State Library (the copy now de-
stroyed perhaps in the fire of 1911); 2, the library
of the New York Historical Society; 3, the library of
the Buffalo Historical Society; 4, the library of the
Rochester Historical Society; 5, the library of the
Waterloo Historical Society; and, 6, the library of
Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y. The account of Mr.
Conover's adoption and the attendant ceremonies,
particularly complete and interesting, will be found
on pages 968-977 of his work.
MARY JEMISON. 339
In this connection should be read the noticeable
"Biography of Harriet Maxwell Converse" prepared
by Mr. A. C. Parker and prefixed to Mr. Parker's
edition of Mrs. Converse's delightful work "Iroquois
Myths and Legends," published as Museum Bulletin
125 of New York State Museum. The adoption of
Mrs. Converse will be found on page 19 of the bulletin
mentioned.
Replying to an inquiry by the Reviser of the 1918
edition about the resemblance of an Iroquois adoption
ceremony to a wake, Mr. Parker writes:
" Iwould say that no such resemblance ever entered
my mind and I have seen the adoption ceremony
several times and both the wakes of the Indians and
of the whites."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
45. MOUTH OF THE SCIOTA RIVER.
(Page 41, line 6.)
OA/7
The following memorandum is furnished by Rev.
George P. Donehoo, D.D., secretary of the Pennsyl-
vania Historical Commission:
The mouth of the Sciota river was once the site
of 'The Lower Shawnee Town/ Peter Chartier, the
famous Shawnee half-breed, went from Chartier's
Old Town, on the Allegheny river (near the present
Chartiers Station, Westmoreland county, Pa.) to this
place in 1745 with a band of Shawnee Indians. The
village at the mouth of the Sciota was situated oppo-
site the present Portsmouth, Ohio. Shortly after 1753
the village at this place was destroyed by a flood.
The town was then built up on the south side of the
Ohio. George Croghan, William Trent, and other
Indian traders had trading houses at this place.
Croghan's large store at this place was destroyed by
34o LIFE OF
the French and Indians in 1754. In 1758 many of
the Shawnee moved to the region of Chillicothe.
On Hutchin's map of 1778 the town at the mouth of
the Sciota is marked, 'Old Lower Shawnee Town/
Traces of this village were still visible in 1820."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
46. "SCIOTA" OR "SdOTO."
(Page 41, line u.)
Of this Indian name, the preferred orthography to-
day is Scioto, but in the early part of the last century
there appears to have been a divided usage, Sciota
and Scioto. It is worthy of notice that in the original
printed versions of the two most famous of narratives
of Indian captivities, "The Life of Mary Jemison"
and "The Adventures of Colonel James Smith," the
form Sciota is found. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
47. SPRING OF 1759.
(Page 41, line 20.)
The spring in which Mary's party returned to the
mouth of the river Shenanjee was that of 1759. —
Reviser, ed. 1918.
48. THE BUILDING OF FORT PITT.
(Page 41, foot-note.)
The suggestion by Dr. Seaver of an armistice, while
it attests Dr. Seaver's constant courtesy towards
Mrs. Jemison and her statements, is apparently with-
out foundation. The facts regarding the passing of
Fort DuQuesne and the building of Fort Pitt as
stated by Daniel Agnew, LL.D., in his pamphlet,
entitled "Fort Pitt," are as follows:
MARY JEMISON. 341
"The French, being hard pressed by the English
under General Forbes, evacuated Fort DuQuesne
November 24, 1758, setting fire to it and leaving it
largely in ruin. Fort Pitt, erected by the English
after the destruction of Fort DuQuesne, was not
commenced till September 10, 1759, and not finished
till March 21, 1760. Meanwhile, in December, 1758,
a small square stockade with bastions was erected by
the English near the bank of the Monongahela
River."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
49. THE PITTSBURGH CONFERENCE IN 1759.
(Page 42, foot-note.)
Dr. Seaver is in error here. Mary Jemison's in-
sistence that her abduction by the Indians took place
in 1755 instead of 1758, the actual date, is undoubt-
edly one of the causes of Dr. Seaver' s failure to obtain
information of the summons sent out by the British
immediately after the fall of Fort DuQuesne for the
Indians to come up to Fort Pitt to make peace with
them; but it is improbable that in 1823 Dr. Seaver
would have been able to find in any historical reference
book or in any history then current an account of
Colonel Croghan's Pittsburgh Conference with the
Indians in July, 1759. It could have been learned
only from some source book or from Government or
Colonial archives. The original account of this con-
ference appears in the "Minutes of the Provincial
Council of Pennsylvania" (Colonial Records of
Pennsylvania, Volume VIII, page 383) which were
first published by the State in 1852, when they be-
came easily accessible. Meetings of this conference
were, as it appears, held every day, July 4th to J uly
9th, and on July nth, The principal conference was
342 LIFE OF
on the 9th. The Six Nations were represented by
Tagauusaday and Guyusuday, chiefs, and by Grand-
ondawe and sixteen warriors. The Delawares had
many more representatives than any other Indian
nation. During the time of the conference there were
near five hundred Indians present. The number of
"conferences" held with the Indians during the
French and Indian War and in the Revolutionary
period was great. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
50. THE WINTER OF 1759-1760.
(Page 43, line i?0
The winter referred to in the text is that of 1759-
1760. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
51. LOCATION OF WI-ISH-TO.
(Page 43, foot-note.)
For a discussion favoring the second of the two
sites named by Dr. Seaver in his foot-note, see note
No. 60. Unfortunately, as suggested in the note to
which attention is directed, nothing satisfactorily de-
finitive and final can be obtained from the word
Wi-ish-to itself. Authorities differ as to whether
Wi-ish-to is a Seneca name or a Delaware name and
what in any event its precise meaning is. Assuming
that Wi-ish-to is an Iroquois name, the author of
"Aboriginal Place Names of New York" suggests
that Wi-ish-to is a corruption of Wa-es-ta, meaning,
according to Zeisberger, to sting, to beat and hammer;
while Dr. Donehoo, the author of "The History of
the Indian Place Names of Pennsylvania," assuming
that Wi-ish-to is a Delaware name, suggests that it
is a corruption of Delaware We-wunt-schi, or, according
MARY JEMISON. 343
to Brinton, We-wun-dach-qui, meaning opposite or on
both sides.
The identification of Wi-ish-to with the Delaware
We-wunt-sM furnishes no ground for a choice between
the two sites suggested by Dr. Seaver, but merely
marks the presence of the characteristic declared by
him to be common to both sites. The identification
with Iroquoian Wa-es-to, however, connects the site
with Swan Creek, possibly through the presence
across the river of a pre-historic city and strange im-
plements conserved, or possibly by the rem.arkable
Hanging Rock impending from' the heights of the
river bank as conceivably a hammer in the sky.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
52. LITTLE BILLY AND His UNCLE.
(Page 44, line 6.)
Captain Little Billy and Captain Little Billy's
uncle are of course different persons. In his "List of
Senecas" Dr. Beauchamp says:
"Jishgege, or Josh Kanga as in the treaty of 1826,
the Katydid, was also Little Billy, often called the
War Chief. He died in Buffalo, December 28, 1834,
and has been highly eulogized. He was called
Jishkaaga, Green Grasshopper, in 1794. He signed a
letter in 1790, the treaties of 1815 and 1826, and
witnessed the Cayuga treaty of 1807. In the treaty
of 1802 he is called Green Grass or Little Billy and
appears as Chescaqua in 1794 at Buffalo. He also
signed the Tuscarora grant of 1808. He was re-
interred with Red Jacket in 1884."
To this statement Dr. Beauchamp adds:
"Though Captain Little Billy died at Buffalo
Creek, he probably lived in the Genesee Valley at
344 LIFE OF
one time, perhaps at Gd-neh-dd-on-tweh. There is a
story, which I do not credit, that Captain Little Billy
was a guide to George Washington in one of his early
expeditions. If born before 1762, Captain Little
Billy must then have been very young."
Mr. Arthur C. Parker of the State Museum writes
additionally:
"Little Billy, or Great Green Grasshopper, was a
captain in the war of 1812 and led a band of Indians
against the British in several of the engagements on
the Niagara frontier. Further, our New York State
Indians declared themselves allies of the United
States and fought with General Scott and General
Porter under their own colonels and captains, acquit-
ting themselves with great credit."
Of Captain Little Billy's uncle practically nothing
is known except what is here stated by Mary Jemison.
Dr. Beauchamp feels confident, however, that he
lived and died at Ga-neh-da-on-tweh; that his name
is not known and apparently was not known by
Mary Jemison herself. But details as to Captain
Little Billy's uncle would be of slight importance
except for the statement by Mary Jemison farther on
that he and his bride after a bridal tour to the States
among the bride's friends returned to Can-a-ah-tua
where he died. This may mean one of two things.
Can-a-ah-tua may be Captain Little Billy's uncle's
presumed home in the Genesee Valley, and his going
there would in that case be a return to his home. Sup-
porting this view is Dr. Beauchamp's opinion that
the name Can-a-ah-tua is Seneca in origin being a con-
traction of Gd-neh-dd-on-tweh^ Morgan's name for
the Seneca village on the site of Moscow, N. Y., in
the Genesee Valley. On the other hand, Can-a-ah-tua
MARY JEMISON. 345
may be the name used by the Delawares for the town
which the Senecas built at Wi-ish-to and afterwards
shared with them, and in this case Captain Little
Billy's uncle would return to the place of his marriage,
and quite naturally, the bride being a Delaware by
adoption. Confirmatory of this view is Dr. Donehoo's
suggestion that the name Can-a-ah-tua is a later form
of Delaware Ca-na-wa-uteney, meaning Conoy Town,
an earlier town in this vicinity and possibly within
the very limits of the locality known as Wi-ish-to.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
53. "!N THE STATES."
(Page 44, line 7.)
This phrase, "in the states," could not have been
current in 1760, the date of this bridal tour, but was
very common, especially among the English, in 1823
when Mary Jemison dictated her life. — Reviser, ed.
1918.
54. SELECTION OF INDIAN HUSBANDS.
(Page 44, line 15.)
Among the Indians the women were not always
thus ignored in the selection of their husbands. See
note closing the appendix on Courtships on page 171.
— Reviser, ed.
55. MARY JEMISON'S MARRIAGE.
(Page 44, line 18.)
Mary Jemison was married to Sheninjee in the
summer of 1760, being then at least seventeen years of
age. Mr. Arthur C. Parker writes that it is not un-
common among the Iroquois for girls of fourteen or
23
346 LIFE OF
fifteen years of age to marry, but that marriages are
usually made at a later period, between sixteen and
twenty. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
56. MARY'S HUSBANDS AND CHILDREN.
(Page 44, line 19.)
Dr. Seaver's "Life of Mary Jemison" shows that
Mary Jemison had two husbands and eight children,
two children by the first husband and six children
by the second husband. The narrative further shows
that the first husband was a Delaware Indian of
prominence by the name of Sheninjee to whom she
was married at Wiishto, a few miles below Gallipolis
on the Ohio; and that the second husband was a
Seneca chief by the name of Hiokatoo, to whom she
was married in the Genesee country. These facts in
the family history of Mary Jemison are unquestioned:
but the chronology of Mary Jemison's two marriages
and of the births and deaths of her children as given
in Dr. Seaver's "Life of Mary Jemison" is continu-
ously in error if the date in any instance is determined
directly or indirectly by Mary Jemison's own date of
her abduction by the Indians, which event she
placed in the spring of 1755, whereas recent investiga-
tions show that the actual date was April 5, 1758.
(See note No. 14.) An instance of a date not affected
by Mary Jemison's belief as to the date of her abduc-
tion is, for example, her statement that Jane, one of
her daughters, died a little before the great Council
at Big Tree, aged about fifteen years. (Page 62.)
As the council referred to was held in 1797 and Jane
was then about fifteen, the date of Jane's birth was
1782. This date cannot conceivably be affected by
MARY JEMISON. 347
theories as to the date of Mary Jemison's abduction.
The object of this note is to give the results of an
extended examination of the Mary Jemison family
chronology in the light of historic events appearing
in her narrative or having a known connection with
it. The several dates in this note are recorded with-
out being discussed except as far as necessary to keep
the story intelligible. Verification of the results ar-
rived at is easy and certain if one has the patience to
go through the details and check up by historic events
appearing in the narrative. Such an examination
shows that Dr. Seaver's compliment (Introduction,
page xi) to the recollection and memory of Mary
Jemison is unnecessarily reserved. It is thought
that the various notes appearing in their proper
place in this volume will support this conclusion.
Mary Jemison s Two Marriages.
Mary Jemison's first marriage, the marriage to
Sheninjee, took place in the summer of 1760, after
two winters, 1758-9 and 1759-60, spent on the Scioto,
as related by her (page 44). Her second marriage,
the marriage to Hiokatoo, took place in 1765 or 1766,
when her son Thomas, born 1762, was, as she states,
three or four years old (page 62).
Mary Jemison's Two Children by Sheninjee.
The first child borne by Mary Jemison to Sheninjee
was a daughter who lived only two days. This
daughter was born in the second summer of Mary
Jemison's living at Wiishto, 1761 (page 45), "at the
time the kernels of corn first appeared on the cob,"
that is, probably, in the month of June or early in
348 LIFE OF
July. The second child borne to Sheninjee was a son,
Thomas, born at Scioto "the following winter," 1762,
that is, the winter following the birth of the daughter
(page 45). Thomas was killed by his half brother,
John, son of Hiokatoo, in 1811 (page 99), and was,
therefore, at the time he was killed forty-nine years
of age. This necessitates the correction of Mary
Jemison's statement (page 102) that Thomas was
fifty-two years old when killed by John. It is to be
noted that Mary Jemison's error here is three years,
the same as her error as to the date of her abduction.
Sons Borne to Hiokatoo by Mary Jemison.
In the list of children borne to Hiokatoo by Mary
Jemison (page 62) two sons are mentioned, respec-
tively, John and Jesse. The date of birth of the first
of these, John, the evil genius of the family, is not
directly given, but (page 102) Mary Jemison says
John was forty-eight years of age when in 1811 he
killed Thomas, but this would make John to have been
born two years before the marriage of Mary Jemison
to his father, Hiokatoo. Assuming that the cause of
error here is Mary Jemison's mistake, three years, as
to the date of her abduction, the date of John's birth
becomes 1766 — a date which reconciles itself with the
facts in the case collectively, raising a presumption,
however, that the marriage of Mary Jemison to
Hiokatoo actually took place in 1765 when Thomas
was three years old (page 62), and not in 1766 when
Thomas was four years old. John was killed in 1817
(page 127), about the month of June. The date of
birth of the other son, Jesse, the tenderly beloved of
his mother, is given inferentially on page 121 where
MARY JEMISON. 349
speaking of the death of Jesse in 1812, Mary Jemison
says, "Jesse was twenty-seven or twenty-eight years
old when he was killed; that is, Jesse's date of birth
was 1784 or 1785.
Daughters Borne to Hiokatoo by Mary Jemison.
According to the list, page 62, four daughters were
borne to Hiokatoo by Mary Jemison, respectively
Jane, Nancy, Betsey, Polly.
Though named first in the list, Jane is known to
have been the latest born. Her birth took place,
as we have seen, in 1782: her priority of mention is
presumably a mark of respect. She had been dead
many years when the narrative was dictated to Dr.
Seaver in 1823. Polly, mentioned on page 143 as
the youngest of three daughters then living (1823),
is by the statement the third daughter borne by Mary
Jemison to Hiokatoo, and it remains merely to settle
the order of precedence between the two other
daughters, Nancy and Betsey.
In genealogical enumerations, the natural and cus-
tomary order of mention is the order of birth and it is
to be observed that in both lists given by Mary
Jemison (page 62 and page 143), Nancy is named
ahead of Betsey.
This order of birth, making Nancy the elder, is
signally confirmed by a memorandum left by Dr.
Letchworth among his papers but not hitherto pub-
lished. The memorandum is of a statement by Dr.
James Shongo, grandson of Mary Jemison, and is
dated July 15, 1873. In this statement Dr. Shongo
says with interesting particularity:
LIFE OF
"My father married Polly Jemison who lived in
the second house from the slide with her mother, the
* White Woman.' Nancy lived in the first house
from the slide. She was the oldest. Betsey was the
next younger. She lived in the third house from the
slide. The old house that she lived in is there now."
This statement should be conclusive for it is in-
conceivable that an intelligent person like Dr. Shongo,
living for years next door neighbor to two aunts,
should not know which way the balance of age lay
between them, and it may be confidently assumed that
of the two sisters, Nancy was the elder, and Betsey
the younger.
Further the fact itself well known that the lot given
to Nancy was more desirable than the one given to
Betsey, suggests that Nancy was the elder daughter.
The question of seniority between Nancy and Betsey
depends principally for its importance on this, that
in the 1842 edition of "The Life of Mary Jemison,"
the writer, Ebenezer Mix, without disclosing in any
way his reasons for his statement, makes Betsey the
elder and Nancy the younger, reversing Mary Jemi-
son's order. It is hardly worth while to conjecture
how Mr. Mix came to make this mistake, though it is
sincerely to be regretted that the mistake was made
and particularly that it has been perpetuated in all
succeeding editions of "The Life of Mary Jemison"
to the present edition.
It has already been shown that the date of birth of
the fourth daughter, Jane, was 1782.
The birth of the third daughter, Polly, took place
either before 1779 or early in that year, for on page
73 of her life, Mary Jemison represents herself as
fleeing in November, 1779, towards Buffalo before
MARY JEMISON. 351
General Sullivan's advance accompanied by her five
children, and her family could not at that time have
numbered five children unless Polly had already been
born. In this flight towards Buffalo Mary Jemison
says she carried one of her children on her back.
Sullivan ceased his pursuit of the Senecas and then
Mary Jemison represents herself as changing her
plans (page 74) and going with her five children to the
Gardow Flats, carrying two of her little ones on her
back. These two statements definitely fix the date
of Polly's birth as either before 1779 or early in that
year.
As to the date of the second daughter, Betsey, the
narrative is silent, but as the general sense of the
narrative permits the inference that Betsey was the
second daughter, the date of her birth is, of course,
after the birth of Nancy and before the birth of Polly.
As to the first daughter, Nancy, the date of her
birth appears on page 67 as May, 1776, but if allow-
ance is to be made here for the initial error of three
years with which the life of Mary Jemison begins,
that is, Mary Jemison's error as to the date of her
abduction, the date of birth of Nancy becomes 1773 —
a date which permits Nancy to be the eldest daughter,
and Polly to be born before or early in 1779, two con-
ditions that must be satisfied if essential facts are to
be left as Mary Jemison apparently dictated them.
The inference is so incontrovertible in the Mary
Jemison legend that Nancy was the eldest and that
Polly, the youngest, was born before or early in 1779,
that it is not worth while to attempt to clear up the
historic confusion which shows itself on page 67,
especially as no one claims that Mary Jemison made no
historic mistakes in her narrative, while every one
352 LIFE OF
wonders that she made so few. For a striking in-
stance of the historic confusion seen on this page
(67) it is to be noted that after mentioning that her
daughter Nancy was born this year, 1776, the story
continues: "The same year" (1776, of course), "at
Cherry Valley, our Indians took a woman and her
three daughters prisoners." As the reference here is
unquestionably to the capture of Mrs. John Moore
and her three daughters, an event that took place
November II, 1778, the thoughtful reader will be
content to note that a mistake has been made by
Mary Jemison and will console himself with the re-
mark of a writer not unskilled as a historian, that it is
impossible to write history and make no mistakes.
Ebenezer Mix's Statement.
On pages 167 and 168 of the eighth (Batavia, 1842)
edition of Seaver's "Life of Mary Jemison," its
editor, Ebenezer Mix, says: "Mrs. Jemison's three
children, Betsey, Nancy and Polly, who survived her
all died in the short space of three months, in the
autumn of 1839, aged respectively 69, 63, and 58
years." There is no reason for calling in question
the interesting fact mentioned by Mr. Mix that all
three sisters died in the autumn of 1839 as he writes
of a fact that must have lain within his personal
knowledge; but the dates of birth resultant from Mr.
Mix's statement, to wit: Betsey, 1770; Nancy, 1776;
Polly, 1781, are open to question. As we have seen,
1781 is an impossible date of birth for Polly, but if the
date is corrected for the initial error of three years
as to Mary Jemison's date of abduction, Polly's date
(1778) becomes acceptable. So also the date given
MRS. ASHER WRIGHT
The missionary who described Mary Jemison's last day:
MARY JEMISON. 353
for Nancy (1776) is the date named by Mary Jemison,
and corrected for Mary Jemison's initial error is freed
as previously mentioned, from objection. But 1770
as the date of Betsey's birth is certainly all wrong.
It has been pointed out that the internal evidence of
the legend is that as between Nancy and Betsey,
Nancy is the elder, and it will be time enough to
reverse the statement when the grounds come to light
on which Mr. Mix makes his revolutionary averment.
It is incomprehensible why Mr. Mix made no ex-
planation of his departure from the natural sense of
the legend. It is further worthy of note that the
traditions of the vicinage are that Nancy and Betsey
were near each other in age and their mother records
that Nancy and Betsey each had, at the time she
dictated her narrative, seven children; but if there
was a difference of six years in their age, this parity
in parentage, that is, in the number of their offspring,
would be less expected.
Summary.
Briefly, the dates of birth and death of Mary
Jemison's children are as follows:
1. The unnamed daughter, born in 1761; died two
days later.
2. Thomas, born in 1762; killed by half brother in
1811.
3. John, born in 1766; killed in 1817.
4: Nancy, date of birth uncertain, but possibly in
1776 or more likely in 1773; died in 1839.
5. Betsey, date of birth uncertain, but presumably
later than Nancy and earlier than Polly; died
in 1839.
354 LIFE OF
6. Polly, date of t>irth before or early in 1779; died
in 1839.
7. Jane, born in 1782; died in 1797.
8. Jesse, born in 1784 or 1785; killed by brother in
1812.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
57. INDIAN MARRIAGE CUSTOMS.
(Page 44. line 19.)
The following memorandum is by the archaeologist
of the New York State Museum, Mr. Arthur C.
Parker:
"With reference to Mary Jemison's having married
according to Indian custom, a short description of the
custom referred to may be found in my bulletin on
the Code of Handsome Lake. The custom was for
the mothers of each party to the marriage to call a
meeting of each clan to which the contracting parties
belonged, to provide one of the religious instructors to
preach a sermon to the young couple, then the
matrons of the tribe, especially the faith keepers
would make certain ritualistic admonitions and
finally the couple was pronounced married and a
feast ensued. Under the old customs there was
always this little council and I am told by some of
the older people that upon announcing the two were
married the bride flung her braids, which were tied
at the ends, as a loop over her husband's head.
There were also games and little folk ceremonies held
at these weddings. Since the old days the marriage
ceremony has degenerated considerably and in many
cases the pagans of New York simply marry by
mutual consent without the formality of even a
registration. This custom, however, is now regulated
by more rigid state laws."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
MARY JEMISON. 355
58. BIRTH OF MARY'S FIRST CHILD.
(Page 45, line 5.)
Mary Jemison's first child was born in 1761, pre-
sumably in June or early in July, when usually the
kernels of corn first appear on the cob. — Reviser, ed.
1918.
59. INDIAN CHILD-BIRTH CUSTOMS.
(Page 45, line 17.)
Mr. A. C. Parker, New York State archaeologist,
furnishes the following memorandum in answer to an
inquiry:
"It has long been the custom among the Indians
for the mother to stay outside the house for some
time previous to and after the birth of her child.
This custom prevailed, not only among the Senecas,
but among nearly all the tribes of the country.
There were sometimes little cabins built especially
for such purposes and they usually were on the out-
skirts of the village. There was a ceremonial reason
for this as well as a belief that a certain time must
expire before purification was complete. This idea
is common among most primitive people. No gun,
bow, arrow, fresh meat, or man must be touched
by a woman in a periodic condition or when a woman
is 'unpurified* just before and after childbirth. The
contact would 'spoil' the chances of hunting game
and cause eruptions on a man's face. This is the
Seneca idea." — Reviser, ed. 1918.
60. MARY'S HOMES ON THE OHIO.
(Page 45, line 29.)
During her four years in southern Ohio (1758-1762)
Mary Jemison had three homes — two summer homes
and one winter home. Her first summer home, cover-
356 LIFE OF
ing the summers of 1758 and 1759, was the "small
Seneca Indian town" which she describes as at the
mouth of the river Shenanjee. Her second summer
home, covering the summers of 1760 and 1761 and
the earlier part of the summer of 1762, was at a
locality which the Indians called Wiishto. The four
winters in southern Ohio she spent on the banks of
the Scioto at or near the mouth of that river, in what
she styles "winter quarters."
The precise location of the several summer homes
of Mary Jemison is uncertain. Dr. Seaver, who took
down and edited Mary Jemison's life, examined the
question of their geographical location with great
thoroughness and also with great credit to himself in
view of the fact that his researches were made in
1823. In regard to each home he found two locations
that answered geographically Mary Jemison's descrip-
tion as to its most characteristic mark.
With regard to the site of the "small Seneca Indian
town" Mary Jemison's characteristic mark is (see
page 40) that the town was on the Ohio at the mouth
of the Shenanjee where another river emptied into
the Ohio directly opposite, and it further appears from
the narrative that this town was one day's journey
down the Ohio. Dr. Seaver pointed out that these
conditions were filled by each of two different creeks —
Cross Creek and Short Creek, the latter being a few
miles below the former. The explanatory point to be
emphasized is that in the case of each creek named,
the creek exists on each side of the Ohio, there being
two Cross creeks and two Short creeks, the two
Cross creeks debouching into the Ohio "directly op-
posite" each other, and the two Short creeks doing
the same. This peculiarity shows itself in the maps
MARY JEMISON. 357
of the United States Topographical Survey and in the
celebrated map in Governor Pownall's "Topograph-
ical Description" published in London in 1776, and
it may be seen in any map entering into details.
At this point Dr. Seaver was stopped from any closer
placing of the "small Seneca Indian town," no con-
firmatory historical data being then accessible to him.
But since Dr. Seaver's time (1823) through Govern-
ment and State publications and through publications
of historical societies and of individuals, an immense
volume of historical data has been made easily ac-
cessible. It is now well known that in the eighteenth
century there was in the northeast section of the
junction of Cross Creek and the Ohio River a "small
Seneca Indian town" commonly called Mingo Town.
Captain Harry Gordon in his "Journal" published in
1776 as a part of Governor Pownall's "Topographical
Description" speaks of Mingo Town and in his table
of distances of places on the Ohio from Fort Pitt,
gives the distance of Mingo Town as 71 ^ miles.
It is also well known, on Colonel Croghan's authority,
that at Fort Pitt, April 14, 1765, about eighty Seneca
Indians came up from their town at the Two Creeks
(Minutes Provincial Council of Pa., Volume IX, page
252); and in his "Journal" the same authority states
that Mingo Town was inhabited chiefly by the
Senecas, called with others of the Six Nations,
"Mingoes" (Darlington's "Christopher Gist's Jour-
nals," page 190). The U. S. Topographical Survey
shows on the proper sheet the location of this town
under the designation "Mingo Junction."
The site of the "small Seneca Indian Town," if
the same as Mingo Town, was about three miles below
the present Steubenville, Ohio,
358 LIFE OF
With regard to the site of the other summer home,
Mary Jemison's geographical characteristic is that
at this place "one river emptied into the Ohio on one
side, and another on the other," a characteristic that
does not necessarily imply direct opposition of de-
bouchment of the two rivers. The distance, how-
ever, of this second summer home above the mouth of
the Scioto River is not stated in the text, though
probably Mary Jemison gave Dr. Seaver the benefit
of her impression. Here again, Dr. Seaver found, as
his note shows, two sites answering the condition
mentioned by Mary Jemison: Guyandot River, 327
miles below Pittsburgh, and Swan Creek, 307 miles
below (see his note page 43). A careful study of the
maps of the U. S. Topographical Survey would prob-
ably create in any mind from the geography alone a
more or less distinct impression in favor of the Swan
Creek site, but as Dr. Seaver in 1823 could not have
had geographical evidence of that value before him,
he was justified in leaving the question an open one.
In the settlement of the site of the "little Seneca
Indian Town" there were historical data that could
be appealed to, but such recourse is wanting in fixing
the Wiishto locality. Were it possible, however, to
ascertain the exact meaning of the word Wiishto,
which is thought by some who are apparently well
equipped to give an opinion to be hopelessly corrupt
in form, it is not improbable that interesting evidence
might be secured to assist in determining the geo-
graphical whereabout of Wiishto. (See note No. 51.)
It is, however, something to be certain that origin-
ally Wiishto was quite surely a locality and not a
town or village. The precise words of Mary Jemison
are: "We sailed up the Ohio to a place that the Indians
MARY JEMISON. 359
called Wiishto. At that place the Indians (i. e., the
men of the party) built a town and we (i. e., the women
of the party) planted corn." This language cer-
tainly justifies the position that Wiishto is to be re-
garded in Mary Jemison's narrative as a locality,
though later the name was perhaps given to the town
the party built there. The site of this locality may
remain, as far as the interpretation of the name goes,
in doubt, but the locality in the neighborhood of
Swan Creek is, on its merits, attractive enough to
have suggested to the Mary Jemison party the de-
sirability of making there their new summer home.
For nearly opposite Swan Creek is a beautiful small
river, Guyan Creek or the little Guyandot, and the
river bottoms north and south are among the finest
and best on the Ohio River, to the north Mercer's
bottom and to the south the famous Green's bottom,
the site of a prehistoric city — lands so fertile that the
Indian women had little more to do than to look at
them to make them blush into "corn, squashes and
beans." Some three miles south of Swan Creek, as a
monument set in the landscape, is the remarkable
cliff called the "Hanging Rock," situated in the pres-
ent Lawrence County, where is located a village also
called "Hanging Rock."
But plainly whatever force is accorded to the view
here suggested, a choice between the two sites pro-
posed by Dr. Seaver for Wiishto, the second summer
home, not being supported by independent external
evidences, cannot bear with it the feeling of historic
certainty that accompanies the choice that has been
made of the site of the "little Seneca Indian town"
as the first summer home. Probably the summer
home at Wiishto was merely a summer camp of
360 LIFE OF
Senecas and Delawares formed in 1760 and con-
tinued, as far as this narration records, for "three
summers."
The Wiishto home, if at Swan Creek, was sixteen
miles below the present Gallipolis, Ohio.
An interesting question remains as to the Wiishto
summer home. A party of Delaware Indians, a sub-
jugated tribe ruled by the Iroquois, soon joined the
Mary Jemison party after their settling at Wiishto
and lived in common with them. "Living in com-
mon" may mean that there was no divisional separa-
tion of habitations or living quarters as between
Senecas and Delawares within Wiishto, or it may
mean that there was such separation so that within
the Wiishto locality there were, to all intents and
purposes, two Indian towns or villages or encamp-
ments, the Seneca and the Delaware. In either case,
whether their quarters were joint or separate, it is
presumable that the Delawares would have their
own name for the town or village or encampment,
and that if we assume, as the narrative seems to
warrant, that the Delaware name for the town as
being their place of residence was Canaahtua, while
the Senecas called it as their home Wiishto, then
Mary Jemison's statement that after their bridal
tour, Captain Little Billy's uncle and Priscilla Ramsay
returned to Canaahtua would be understood as a
return of the bridal couple to the place of their mar-
riage, Wiishto. (Compare note No. 52 on Captain
Little Billy's uncle.)
With regard to the Scioto or winter home, Mary
Jemison makes no mention of there being any Indian
town at the mouth of the Scioto and probably there
was none there at that time; for in this same year,
MARY JEMISON. 361
1758, the first year of Mary Jemison's going there, the
Shawnees moved their town (the Lower Shawnee
Town) from the mouth of the Scioto to the upper
plains of the Scioto, sending for the Shawnees of
Logstown to join them there and possibly also for
the Shawnees of the Shawnee Town at the mouth
of the Great Kanawha to do the same.
— Reviser, ed.
61. DATE OF RETURN TO WIISHTO.
(Page 46, line 19.)
The return from Scioto to Wiishto "in the spring"
was in 1762, but probably in June; that is, a year
after the birth of Mary Jemison's first child. — Reviser,
ed. 1918.
62. HOMMANY OR HoMINY.
(Page 47, line 19.)
Hominy is a word of American Indian (Algonquin)
origin. The form here used, "hommany," will be
found in Murray's "New English Dictionary." — Re-
viser, ed. 1918.
, \
'
63. INDIANS WILL BE INDIANS.
(Page 48, line 24.)
Concerning the expression "Indians must and will
be Indians," Mr. Arthur C. Parker writes:
"This expression might upon first thought be taken
to mean that the Indian can never be civilized in the
true sense of the word and that he will revert to his
ancient condition upon the slightest provocation: —
as a matter of fact, however, the degree in per-
manence of civilization rests entirely upon environ-
24
362 LIFE OF
ment. An Indian surrounded on all sides by persons
of culture and refinement and excluded from associa-
tion with persons of opposite nature, very readily
takes up all the characteristics of civilized society,
that is, if he has been trained from youth in the
better environment; but if the educated youth is
thrown back into his forest or prairie home and finds
that he is ostracized unless he again resumes the
status of those about him, he will then, and only
then, forsake the ways in which he has been trained.
There are many shining examples of this fact now.
The popular expression usually has been that 'the
Indian is an irreclaimable savage.' However, there is
another sense in which the Indian must and always
will be an Indian. It is not necessary for me to em-
phasize the fact that the Indian naturally is extremely
proud of his race and that he feels within himself a
certain aristocracy that is not inherent in the blood
of the pale invader. The most successful Indians
to-day are those who feel that their distinguished
ancestry makes it incumbent upon them to demon-
strate the worthiness of that ancestry and the power
of the red man of to-day to become a useful and con-
structive factor in any society. In this sense the ex-
pression is no more incongruous than to paraphrase
it 'the white man will always be a white man.' There
is nothing disgraceful in being a white man and
therefore nothing disgraceful in being an Indian, but
on the contrary each man's pride in his racial origin
makes him feel that he must carry on his ambitions
and achieve a great success to show that his blood
is no less than the best."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
64. INDIAN HONESTY.
(Page 49. line 4.)
For an illustration of Indian honesty, see "Anec-
dotes," pages 177-178. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
MARY JEMISON. 363
65. DEPARTURE FROM WIISHTO.
(Page 49, line 7.)
For the date of their departure from Wiishto see
note No. 82. — Reviser •, ed. 1918.
66. OUTLET OF SANDUSKY LAKE.
(Page 49, line 23.)
The creek up which the Mary Jemison party is
represented as about to go, called a little farther on
the Sandusky Creek, was the Muskingum River.
To-day there is in Ohio no body of water called
Sandusky Lake, but in 1762 what is now styled
Sandusky Bay was styled Sandusky Lake, at least
it is so styled on a map by Thos. Hutchins dated 1764.
As it is a geographical impossibility — one which no
one could have understood better than Sheninjee
and Mary Jamison's adopted brothers — for the
Muskingum to be the outlet of Sandusky Lake (Bay)
in the natural sense of the word " outlet/' it remains
to conjecture the real purport of the remark. The
immediate thought in the mind of the party may be
gathered from the fact that the Muskingum and its
west branch was one of the regular waterways to
Upper Sandusky whither the party was bent, and
that Upper Sandusky was connected by the Sandusky
River with Sandusky Lake. This is substantially
the view of Dr. Beauchamp who writes: "The outlet
of Sandusky Lake was the Muskingum River, as the
best waterway to Sandusky and there seems a refer-
ence to Summit Lake at the head of the east branch.
Sandusky means where there is pure water." — Reviser,
ed. 1918.
364 LIFE OF
67. MURDERED WHITE TRADERS.
(Page 49, line 28.)
The circumstances of the murder of the three
traders as far as recorded in this and the three para-
graphs following seem to indicate that the traders
were not murdered in the trading house, but probably
a short distance up the Sandusky Creek (Muskingum
River) into which the Mary Jemison party turned
after passing the trading house. The bodies were met
floating down. — Reviser y ed. 1918.
68. MARY'S SENSE OF HUMANITY.
(Page 50, line 17.)
It has been imputed to Mary Jemison as something
worse than weakness that in the matter of his cruelties
she never withstood her husband, Hiokatoo, to his
face. It should be borne in mind that while women
were given marked powers in many ways among the
Iroquois, yet in ordinary affairs the woman was
subordinate to the man, and, generally speaking,
there was no place for a wife to withstand her husband
to his face. But the passage to which this note is
appended shows that when under the customs of the
tribe into which she had been adopted Mary Jemison
had any opportunity to act humanely she availed
herself of it to the utmost. After Mary Jemison
became reconciled to her captivity and her adoption,
she became, in accordance with her directness and
openness of character, a Seneca of the Senecas, but
she never forgot what she owed to herself as a woman
and to the inborn sense of humanity which she
cherished. — Reviser, ed, 1918,
MARY JEMISON. 365
69. GAW-GUSH-SHAW-GA.
(Page 50, last line.)
Gd-go'-sa, in the Seneca dialect, signifies a false face,
and Gd-go'-sa-ga, the place of the false face, which is
doubtless the correct orthography of this word.—
Morgan, ed. 1856.
70. YlS-KAH-WA-NA.
(Page 51, line i.)
The Indian village of Yis-kah-wa-na, a few miles
above Gaw-gush-shaw-ga, was on the site of the
present Coshocton at the junction of the Walhonding
and the Tuscarawas rivers, the west and the east fork
respectively of the Muskingum River. — Reviser, ed.
1918.
71. GENISHAU, OR GENESEE.
(Page 51, line 11.)
Gen-nis'-he-yo is the true spelling. It signifies the
beautiful valley, from which the river takes its name.
The adjective we-yo, which means grand, or beautiful,
is incorporated in the word, and thus determines its
signification. (See notes Nos. 78 and 79.) — Morgan,
ed. 1856.
72. MARY'S Two SISTERS.
(Page 51, line 13.)
The last mention in the text of the two sisters was
their presence in June, 1761, at the birth of Mary
Jemison's first child after her marriage with Sheninjee.
(See page 45.) — Reviser, ed. 1918.
366 LIFE OF
73. UPPER SANDUSKY.
(Page 51, line 33.)
Upper Sandusky was a well-known place much fre-
quented by the Indians and by traders. At times it
was the place for payment of British annuities, gifts,
and favors. (See also note No. 82.) — Reviser, ed. 1918.
74. FRENCH CREEK.
(Page 52, line 20.)
The Rev. Dr. Donehoo, secretary of the Pennsyl-
vania Historical Commission, in answer to an inquiry
by the Reviser touching French Creek and Ganagarah-
hare, furnishes the following memorandum:
"At the mouth of French creek, at the site of
Franklin, Pa., formerly stood the Indian village of
Venango. At this place the French army built one
of the chain of forts in the period before the French
and Indian War. When Washington was sent to
warn the French out of the region in 1753, the French
flag was flying from the trading house from which
John Fraser had been expelled. The French fort at
this place was named Machault, although it was
always mentioned as 'the French Fort at Venango/
The Seneca village at this place was called Ganagarah-
hare. The French army reached Fort DuQuesne,
from Canada, by way of Presqu' Isle (Erie, Pa.);
Le Boeuf (Waterford, Pa.); and Venango (Franklin,
Pa.)."
The mouth of French Creek is to-day the site of
Franklin, Pa., and the mouth of Conowango Creek,
of Warren, Pa.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
MARY JEMISON. 367
75. CHE-UA-SHUNG-GAU-TAU.
(Page 53, line 8.)
In the second and subsequent editions Che-ua-
shung-gau-tau is correctly described as situated on
the Allegheny River, at the mouth of what is now
called Cold Spring Creek, in the town of Napoli,
Cattaraugus County, State of New York. — Reviser,
ed. 1918.
76. U-NA-WAUM-GWA.
(Page S3, line 9.)
This name should be spelled U-na-waun-gwa, not
U-na-waum-gwa. There are no labials in the Iroquois
dialects. U-na-waun-gwa is also known as Tu-ne-
un-gwan. Dr. Beauchamp places this Indian town or
village in Carrollton, Cattaraugus County. — Reviser,
ed. 1918.
77. CANEADEA.
(Page 53, line 14.)
Caneadea is a well-preserved Seneca name. The
original, Gd-o'-ya-de-o, signifies where the heavens rest
upon the earth. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
The old Indian Council House which stood at
Caneadea and which Mary Jemison may have en-
tered is now preserved near her grave in Letchworth
Park. (See page 237.) — Reviser, ed. 1918.
78. GENISHAU.
(Page S3, line 15.)
Later editions than the first, omitting the description
of Genishau given here, read: "At Little Beard's
3 68 LIFE OF
Town in Genishau, at that time a large Seneca town,
thickly inhabited." The arrival of Mary Jemison
and party at Genishau was apparently near the end
of 1762 or early in 1763. (See note No. 71.) — Reviser,
ed. 1918.
79. GENESEE.
(Page 53, line 17.)
Gen. Henry A. S. Dearborn, in his journal of his
visit to the Seneca Indians in the year 1838, says:
"Mr. Strong the interpreter informs me that Genesee
as now pronounced by the Senecas Ja-nes-he-ya & the
word is derived from Gats-he-nos-he-yu & means Good
Valley" (See the "Dearborn Journals," page 21 1
of Volume VII of the "Publications of the Buffalo
Historical Society," 1904. Also see note No. 71). —
Reviser, ed.
80. TRAVEL ON FOOT.
(Page S3, line 22.)
Concerning the question as to whether Mary Jemi-
son traveled the whole distance from the Ohio to the
Genesee on foot, see note No. 82. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
81. How AN INDIAN CHILD WAS CARRIED.
(Page S3, line 34.)
The New York State archaeologist, Mr. Arthur C.
Parker, in answer to an inquiry, furnishes this
memorandum:
"When travelling on foot, the Indian mother usu-
ally carried her child wrapped snugly in the cradle
board, or held tightly in a shawl against her back,
the little youngster's head resting against her shoulder;
THOMAS JEMISON (''BUFFALO TOM")
Grand-son of Mary Jemison.
MARY JEMISON. 369
when travelling in a canoe, she would not as a general
thing carry her child on her back, but rather would
have the little one curled up in her lap, or strapped
safely on the bottom of the canoe in a cradle board."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
82. MARY JEMISON'S REMARKABLE JOURNEY.
(Page 54. line 9.)
An interesting chapter in the Mary Jemison narra-
tive is the story of Mary Jemison's journey from the
valley of the Ohio to the valley of the Genesee in the
latter half of 1762. Little or nothing is known of
this journey except what has come down to us in the
fourth chapter of Dr. Seaver's "Life of Mary Jemi-
son," of which this is to be regarded as an explica-
tion. More specifically, the journey was from the
Indian village of Wiishto on the Ohio to the Indian
village of Genishau on the Genesee. Genishau, where
Mary Jemison's journey ended, is universally recog-
nized as the place now known as Cuylerville, which is
across the Genesee River from Geneseo and distant
from that place about four miles. The site of the
Indian village where Mary Jemison's journey began,
Wiishto, is disputed, though there is no doubt of its
historic reality as a village on the Ohio, where Mary
Jemison on her own testimony lived three summers,
those of 1759, 1760, and 1761, and where she was
first married and where she had her first child. For a
discussion of the two possible sites of Wiishto sug-
gested by Dr. Seaver, who reduced Mary Jemison's
story of her life to writing, see the note No. 60, which
gives preference to the site at the mouth of Swan
Creek which is adopted here as the starting-point of
the Mary Jemison journey.
370 LIFE OF
It is not remarkable that there is difficulty in locat-
ing an Indian village once it has ceased to be a place
of habitation. Unlike an American village, for ex-
ample, an Indian village is not in a way anchored to
the soil by a church building and a school building and
a town hall and a jail, and in these latter days by a
grange assembly house, which together or separately
leave some sort of evidence of occupation. Con-
trariwise, an Indian village simply hovers over its site,
ready at the first breath of pestilence or disastrous
war or exhaustion of game or timber to flit away
through the forest aisles to a new site, though some-
times a burial mound or a council tree may remain in
attest of the village that has been. Storke, in his
"History of Cayuga County" (page 29), states that
ten to thirty years is the average life of an Indian
village. No wonder is it then that it is only by pa-
tient inferential reasoning that the site of a village
like Wiishto can be worked out at all, and even then
the possibility of a hidden error may remain as a
haunting disquietude. It may, however, be assumed
with confidence that the site of Wiishto was certainly
one of the two sites suggested by Dr. Seaver.
The beauty of the village sites among the Iroquois
and the judgment shown in their selection is an inter-
esting book that remains to be written.
The distance traversed by Mary Jemison in her
journey cannot be given with anything like precision.
On page 53 of her Life, Mary Jemison incidentally
refers to the journey as one of five or six hundred
miles, but an examination to determine separately
the number of miles in each of the several stages of
the journey made the total 682 miles — a result which
MARY JEMISON. 371
considerably exceeds Mary Jemison's general estimate.
But the investigation was obscured by two petty but
unanswerable queries — Did Mary Jernison travel on
straight lines? And was there only one negotiable
road in each stage?
The time consumed in the journey was approxi-
mately six months. The dates of departure and con-
clusion of the journey seem to be sufficiently indi-
cated by Mary Jemison's allusions to the age of her
little son, Thomas. Apparently on leaving Wiishto
Thomas was three or four months old, and on arriving
at Genishau nine months old. This would make the
date of departure about July I, 1762, and the date
of conclusion about January I, 1763. (See in this
connection pages 46 and 59, and note No. 56.)
In her narrative (page 53) Mary Jemison makes a
statement which, taken literally, suggests that the
whole journey of five or six hundred miles was made
on foot. But the details of the journey as given in
her account show that, while the journey was made
principally on foot, it was also made partly by canoe
and partly on horseback.
The route taken by Mary Jemison from Wiishto
to Genishau was in a sense pre-determined for her by
prevalent usage and by the geography of the State
of Ohio. In the northern part of Ohio (see King:
"Ohio") a table-land or ridge runs from the eastern
side of the State to the western, forming a water-shed,
on the south side of which the rivers flow southward
to the Ohio, and on the north side northward to Lake
Erie. At Akron on the east this table-land is 848
feet above Lake Erie and 35 miles distant from it;
while at Upper Sandusky on the west the height above
the lake is 981.5 feet, and the distance from it 60
372 LIFE OF
miles. At the time of Mary Jemison's journey, the
narrow table-land was, as probably it had long been,
the great highway east and west of the Indians and
the traders and the occasional traveler. Coming
north from the Ohio River to the water-shed, any
one of the several rivers which descend to the Ohio
from it could be used, or, avoiding the table-land
altogether, the traveler could follow the Ohio River
to the Alleghany, and then the Alleghany till he came
into the Genesee country. The two rivers most used,
however, in going north from the Ohio, were the
Muskingum and the Scioto, the former near the center
of the State, the latter about 200 miles to the west of
the center. The Muskingum had unquestionably the
advantage, at least for the aborigine and the pioneer,
of geographical location and possibly of attractiveness
also, for by common acclaim the valley of the Muskin-
gum is a land in which to loiter goldenly.
In this connection it is pardonable to note of the
Muskingum's rival, the Scioto, that it was down the
valley of this river that, to ravage the southland and
smite the Cherokee, the dreaded Senecas raged under
their terrible leader, Hiokatoo, who became the hus-
band of Mary Jemison three or four years after her
coming to Genishau.
The several stages into which the journey naturally
resolves itself are easily discoverable from the nar-
rative.
The first stage was from Wiishto to modern Coshoc-
ton, the place where the rivers Walhonding and
Tuscarawas unite to form the Muskingum. The
sub-stages were Wiishto to Gallipolis, 16 miles;
Gallipolis to the mouth of the Muskingum, 105 miles;
the mouth of the Muskingum to Gawgushshawga, 40
MARY JEMISON. 373
miles; Gawgushshawga to Yiskahwana (Coshocton),
75 miles.
This first stage was made in a canoe. The party
embraced Mary Jemison, her little son, Thomas, her
husband and two of her adopted Indian brothers, five
altogether. The stage was made leisurely and the
lapse of time is to an extent indicated, and especially
it is noted that when about to enter on the second
stage the summer was gone and the time for harvest-
ing corn had arrived.
The second stage was from Yiskahwana to Upper
Sandusky, 75 miles. The party followed the West
Branch, i.e., the Walhonding or Mohican River. It is
not clear, however, why in going to the Genesee
valley the party should at Coshocton take the West
Branch instead of the East Branch, Upper Sandusky
being in the opposite direction from Genishau. A
satisfactory reason, it may be suggested, is that the
supplies were giving out and that one of Mary Jemi-
son's adopted brothers, familiar with the route, di-
vined that supplies might be secured, which proved
to be the case, at Upper Sandusky. It is also possi-
ble that the gradient up the water-shed was easier to
the west than to the east.
In this second stage the number in the party re-
mained five. Mary Jemison's husband left the party,
but a third adopted brother took his place. The
party traveled on foot, Mary Jemison representing
herself as setting out with her little son on her back,
a fashion in which no Indian woman would travel in a
canoe. Further, walking is the Indian's favorite
method of traveling.
The third stage was the longest and the most trying.
Its first sub-stage was from Upper Sandusky to
374 LIFE OF
French Creek, Franklin, Pa., 190 miles, and its
second from French Creek to Conowongo Creek,
Warren, Pa., 80 miles. The party remained un-
changed. What differentiates the third stage was the
finding and appropriating of two or three horses at
Upper Sandusky. Presumably at least one more horse
was added later, for in the perilous fording of Cono-
wongo Creek the natural sense of the account is that
each one of the party had a horse, and in the party
there were, besides the little boy, four adults. Any
other theory of the fording presents insuperable diffi-
culties. Even as it was, the party barely escaped
with their lives. As to the exact route in this stage,
the account is silent, but the party probably followed
in the main the Mahoning trail, well known as being
the one used by Washington and Gist. To what
extent the horses were utilized in this stage, except
for fording in cases of high water, does not appear.
The fourth and last stage of the wonderful journey
was in two sub-stages, the first being from Warren,
Pa., to Caneadea, N. Y., 65 miles, and the second
from Caneadea to Genishau, 36 miles. Mention is
made of passing through in the first sub-stage two
Indian places, at the second of which a stop was made.
In the fourth stage the party remained the same as
in the second and third stages. The traveling was
presumably done on foot. Whether the horses were
abandoned at the beginning of the fourth stage, as
the canoe had apparently been at the beginning of
the second, Mary Jemison does not tell us.
Near the close of the fourth chapter, in which the
story of the journey is told, Mary Jemison remarks,
"My brothers were attentive," — one of the many
thoughtful and sincere mentions in which Mary
MARY JEMISON. 375
Jemison in the account of her life pays tribute to the
ever constant devotion and respect with which she
was treated by all the members of the Indian family
into which she had been adopted. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
83. FORT NIAGARA.
(Page 55, line 9.)
In the Batavia edition of 1842 Fort Niagara was
changed to Fort Erie, and the error was repeated in
all subsequent editions up to and including that of
1913. Fort Niagara is on the right bank of the
Niagara River where it enters Lake Ontario. Fort
Erie is on the left bank of the river opposite Buffalo
near Lake Erie. The two are about twenty-seven
miles apart in an air line. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
84. DERIVATION OF THE WORD "NIAGARA."
(Page 55, line 10.)
The following summary of information and opinions
as to the origin and meaning of the word Niagara has
been prepared, not to settle once for all the points in
dispute in this field of historic inquiry, but to assemble
in an orderly statement, as far as possible, the dif-
ferences which investigation has developed.
I. The term Niagara first appears in literature in
"The Jesuit Relations" for 1641 in the form On-
guiaahra, evidently a misprint, as has been pointed
out, for Ongniaahra. But notwithstanding the early
appearance of this name, the name and what it con-
noted remained for more than two and a half cen-
turies simply a matter of the cloister, a thing apart,
and not information modifying opinion and vitalizing
376 LIFE OF
history. It was only when in the latter part of the
nineteenth century "The Jesuit Relations " were
translated into English, 1896-1901, and found their
way into the book stall, that they came to affect
historical inquiry and discussion. Meanwhile, as a
question of linguistics, the term Niagara remained
comparatively inconspicuous and the process of its
coming into the light developed slowly.
II. In the year 1741 Cadwalader Golden, Lieu-
tenant Governor of New York, 1760-75, and author
of "The History of the Five Nations of Indians,"
writes the name Niagara 0-ni-ag-a-ra.
III. In the year 1823 Mary Jemison, dictating to
Dr. Seaver her life, says (line 4, page 55) that in the
Seneca language Fort Niagara is called Fort Ne-a-gazv,
and to this day the Senecas follow the usage here
given by Mary Jemison, i. e., Ne-a-gaw, not Niagara.
IV. In a letter written in 1824, the year of issue of
the first edition of Dr. Seaver's "Life of Mary Jemi-
son," Col. Timothy Pickering, who conducted for the
United States several treaties with the Indians,
writes: (see Dr. Beauchamp's " Aboriginal Place
Names of New York," page 135):
"I have been sometimes asked what was the
Indian pronunciation of Niagara. By the eastern
tribes, it was Ne-au-gau-raw, or rather Ne-og-au-roh.
The second syllable was short with the accent upon
it — the last syllable being like final a in America.
The Senecas called the falls or river not Ne-og-au-roh,
but Ne-au-gaw, the second syllable auh gutturally,
with the accent upon it and the last syllable long."
V. In his " League of the Iroquois," page 432 of
Book 3 of edition of 1851, and page 97 of Volume II
of edition 1901 and 1904, Morgan says:
MARY JEMISON. 377
"Having now reached the banks of the Niagara,
and the vicinity of the great cataract, the derivation
of the word Niagara suggests itself as a subject for
inquiry. Golden wrote it 0-ni-ag-a-ra, in 1741, and
he must have received it from the Mohawks or
Oneidas. It was the name of a Seneca village at the
mouth of the Niagara river, located as early as 1650,
near the site of Youngstown. It was also the place
where the Marquis De Nonville constructed a fort
in 1687, the building of which brought this locality
under the particular notice of the English. The
name of this Indian village in the dialect of the Sene-
cas was Ne-ah'-ga, in Tuscarora O-ne-a'-kars-, in
Onondaga O-ne-ah'-gd^ in Oneida O-ne-ah'-gdle, and
in Mohawk O-ne-a'-gd-rd. These names are but the
same word under dialectical changes. It is clear
that Niagara was derived from some one of them,
and thus came direct from the Iroquois language.
The signification of the word is lost, unless it be de-
rived, as some of the present Iroquois suppose, from
the word which signifies neck, in Seneca 0-ne-ah-d, in
Onondaga 0-ne-ya-a, and in Oneida O-ne'-arle."
Bancroft, according to Morgan, mistakenly derives
the latter from the language of the Neuter Nation.
Morgan continues:
"The name of this Indian village was bestowed
by the Iroquois upon Youngstown, upon the river
Niagara, from the falls to the lake, and upon Lake
Ontario, as has been elsewhere stated.
"In bestowing names upon water-falls, the Iroquois
custom agrees with the English. The name of the
river is connected with the word fall. In the case of
Niagara Falls, however, an adjective is incorporated
with the word fall, as the idea of its grandeur and
sublimity appears to have been identified with the
fall itself. Thus, in Onondaga it is called Date-car'-
sko-sis, in Seneca Date-car f-sko-sase, the word Ne-ah'-
gd being understood. It signifies the highest falls."
25
378 LIFE OF
Five years later, in the 1856 edition of Mary
Jemison's Life, Morgan added the following notes to
the word Ne-ah-ga, which word appears in line 4 of
page 55 of the first edition and line 4 of page 98 of the
1856 edition:
"The Seneca name of the Niagara River, and of
Lake Ontario, was Ne-ah'-gd. They derived this
name from a locality near the site of Youngstown, in
the vicinity of which is the present Fort Niagara.
Our present name Niagara, is derived from this
word."
Morgan also added a comment to the name Niagara
in the list of "Indian Geographic Names" on page
267, reproduced from his "League of the Iroquois."
It is to be noted in this connection that Morgan pub-
lished the latter work in 1851, forty-six years before
the publication of "The Jesuit Relations" in English
began, though of course Morgan may have seen "The
Jesuit Relations" for 1641 in old French as they
originally appeared, but the presumption is that he
did not.
VI. In 1869 Parkman, in his "LaSalle and the Dis-
covery of the Great West," has a note on the word
Niagara at the bottom of page 126 in which he says,
"It is of Iroquois origin and in the Mohawk dialect is
pronounced Nyagarah"; and Winsor, in his "Narra-
tive and Critical History," published 1884-1889, en-
dorses the view taken by Parkman.
VII. In 1907, fifty-one years after the 1856 edition
of the "Life of Mary Jemison," Rev. W. M. Beau-
champ, S.T.D., in his "Aboriginal Place Names of
New York," writes:
MARY JEMISON. 379
"Ni-ag-a-ra was an early French form of the name
for the river, but for a long time the accent was
placed on the penult as in Goldsmith's * Traveler'
(published 1765).
" ' And Niagara stuns with thundering sound.'
"It means simply the neck connecting two great
lakes as the body and head are united."
A memorandum of current date by Dr. Beauchamp
says:
"The use of Niagara, as now written, first occurs in
Hennepin, 1678, when La Salle built a brigantine on
the site of Fort Frontenac (Kingston, Ont.). Father
Hennepin sailed in this over Lake Ontario, and on
December 6th entered what he called 'the beautiful
river Niagara into which no bark similar to ours had
ever sailed/ The French adhered to this spelling,
and De Nonville wrote it thus when he took posses-
sion, July 31, 1687.
"The English form at first varied slightly, being
Yager ah and Onjagera in 1719-20. In the latter j
has the sound of Y. Governor Hunter, however,
August 29, 1721, was the first Englishman to use the
present form, and it soon became the rule, one which
Golden merely followed a score of years later."
VIII. In 1910, eighty-six years after the first edi-
tion, and fifty-four years after the 1856 edition of
"The Life of Mary Jemison," and fourteen years
after the publication in English of "The Jesuit Re-
lations" began, J. N. B. Hewitt, under the title
"Niagara" in Part II of "The Handbook of American
Indians" published by the United States Bureau of
Ethnology, which had been organized in 1879, says:
"Of Iroquoian origin, one of the earliest forms of
this place name is that in the Jesuit Relation for 1641,
380 LIFE OF
in which it is written Onguiaahra, evidently a mis-
print for Ongniaahra, and it is there made the name
of a Neutral town and of the river which today
bears this designation. Its most probable derivation,
however, is from the Iroquoian sentence-word which
in Onondaga and Seneca becomes O'hnia'ga' and in
Tuscarora U'hnia'ka'r, signifying bisected bottom-land.
Its first use was perhaps by the Neutral or Huron
tribes."
IX. As to the meaning of the word Niagara, two
suggestions have been made: first, that it means a
neck. (In this connection read note furnished by
Dr. Hall, which follows.) This signification (neck),
by whomsoever first suggested, was adopted by Mor-
gan and his collaborator, General Ely S. Parker, and
first appeared as a matter of literature in "The League
of the Iroquois." This meaning is given a place also
in Dr. Beauchamp's " Aboriginal Place Names of
New York" as quoted above. But it is possible
that the reference here is simply to that neck of land
formed by the confluence of the Niagara River and
Lake Ontario — a piece of land on whose surface were
the two places most notable in the early history of the
Senecas and the Iroquois, Youngstown and Fort
Niagara. To the list of those who accept neck as the
probable meaning of the term Niagara may be added
(on the suggestion of Dr. W. M. Beauchamp) Zeis-
berger, a name of authority during the last half of the
eighteenth century in Indian linguistics and ethnol-
ogy, also the well-known name of the Rev. Albert
Cusick, who died in 1912. A second signification is
that of bisected-bottom-land which appears in Hewitt's
note on "Niagara" in Part II of "The Handbook of
American Indians." It might be suggested, how-
ever, that the collocation bisected bottom-land, felicitous
MARY JEMISON. 381
enough in itself, is perhaps too artificial and learned
to have occurred spontaneously to the Indian mind
and, therefore, lacks the best claim for general ac-
ceptance. It is not unthinkable that both significa-
tions have an element of historic possibility and may
be held without any feeling that the destiny of the
world is at stake. In a polysynthetic language there
is no reason why a basis of definition should not be
ultimately reached that will be true for at least one
dialect.
X. Dr. Edward Hagaman Hall, secretary of the
American Scenic and Historic Preservation Society,
has furnished the Reviser with several interesting
quotations bearing on this subject. "The Jesuit Re-
lations," he notes, referring to the outlet of Lake
Huron, says:
"It flows first into the lake of Erie, or of the
Nation of the Cat, and at the end of that lake, it
enters the territory of the Neutral Nation, and takes
the name of Onguiaahra, until it empties into the
Ontario or lake of Saint Louys."
A note by the author in the translation of "The
Jesuit Relations/' referring to the foregoing passage,
says:
"Onguiaahra: Niagara. Cartier, when at Hoch-
elaga (Montreal), heard vague rumors of the great
cataract. Champlain's map of 1632 locates it quite
definitely at the western end of Lake St. Louis
(Ontario); he describes it as fa fall of water at the
end of the falls of St. Louis — very high, in descending
which many kinds of fish are stunned/ Its location
on the map shows that Sault St. Louis is a mere slip
of the pen, or a typographical error, for lac St. Louis.
Sanson's map of 1656 gives it as Ongiara Sault;
382 LIFE OF
Coronelli (1688) names it Niagara. O'Callaghan's
index to N. Y. Colon. Docs, enumerates thirty-nine
other variants on this name. The name Niagara, or
Onguiahra, is generally regarded as of Mohawk (or
the kindred Neutral) origin, signifying neck, re-
ferring to the strip of land between Lakes Erie and
Ontario cut off by this river. The easternmost village
of the Neutrals, probably near the falls, bore the
The map in Hennepin's "Nouvelle Decouverte,"
(1697) calls it Sault de Niagara and in the accompany-
ing text he calls the river Riviere de Niagara. At the
beginning of the chapter about Niagara Falls is the
title: "Description du Saut, en cheute d'eau de
Niagara, qui se voit entre le Lac Ontario, E le Lac
Erie."
Dr. Hall, who has examined the context of "The
Relations" and Hennepin's "Nouvelle Decouverte,"
says that it gives no indication of the meaning of
Niagara. He adds:
"As there was a Neutral village named Onguiaahra
on the Niagara river, the question naturally arises,
was the river named from the village or the village
from the river? I imagine the latter; or, rather that
the word Onguiaahra described a place and was
applicable to both. It seems to me that if the
Neuters used it for the name of one of their villages
it was a Neuter word."
Since the receipt of Dr. Hall's notes, in one of which
mention is made of Sanson's map of 1656, the Right
Rev. Cameron Mann, D.D., Bishop of Southern Flor-
ida, has forwarded to the Reviser for his inspection a
beautiful copy of Sanson's "Amerique" owned by
him. It is a quarto in vellum, Paris, 1657, contain-
MARY JEMISON. 383
ing besides its letter press fifteen interesting and valu-
able maps, the second of which presents the Niagara
River under the name Ongiara Sault, connecting
lakes Erie and Ontario. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
85. A CONFUSION OF EVENTS.
(Page 55, line 12.)
There is a confusion in this paragraph of two dis-
tinct historic events, four years apart, as noted by
Dr. Seaver in the Appendix to the first edition (page
145); ist, the capture, July 25, 1759, of Fort Niagara
by the British; and, 2nd, the dire ambuscade of the
British by the Indians at the Devil's Hole, June 20,
1763. That Mrs. Jemison arrived at Genishau the
day before the attempt of the Indians in 1759 to re-
capture Fort Niagara is, of course, an impossibility;
that she arrived the day before the preparations for
the ambuscade is an improbability, for certainly the
arrival from Wiishto at Genishau was, as already
pointed out, just before or just after the beginning
of 1763. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
86. NEAT CATTLE.
(Page 56, line 5.)
Mr. Henry O'Reilly in his "History of Rochester
and Western New York" (page 386) states that the
first neat cattle brought to the Genesee flats were
those captured by the Indians at the affair of the
Devil's Hole in 1 763 . — Reviser, ed. 1918.
87. Two WHITE PRISONERS.
(Page 58, line 4.)
It is not clear when or where the two white prison-
ers, referred to in this connection, were captured.
384 LIFE OF
It is not impossible that they were captured in the
affair at Fort Niagara in 1759 and that the burning
of them took place at the time and place stated, but
as Mary Jemison in 1759 was living on the Ohio River
she could not have been present at the burning at the
date named. The obscurity of Mary Jemison's state-
ment is increased by the fact that no prisoners are
known to have been taken in the affair at the Devil's
Hole in 1763. — Reviser •, ed. 1918.
88. DEATH OF SHENINJEE.
(Page 58, line 15.)
Sheninjee died in the summer or early autumn of
1762. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
89. BOUNTY FOR RETURNED PRISONERS.
(Page 58, line 24.)
A serious problem was brought home to the colon-
ists and pioneers on the western side of the settle-
ments at the close of the French and Indian War,
1763, and especially at the close of Pontiac's War,
1764. The problem was the recovery of the captives
held among the Indians and the restoration of them
to their homes. The return of the captives, of which
there was really an extraordinary number, was op-
posed by the Indians with every form of evasion, but
when, in 1764, the matter came into the firm hand of
Colonel Bouquet, a general delivery of the captives at
Carlisle, Pa., was effected. In a number of instances,
larger than one would have anticipated, one or the
other of two unexpected obstacles intervened against
restoration, both of which were in their way pathetic.
First, aversion or refusal to return. Noticeably,
JAMES SHONGO
Favorite grand-son of Mary'Jemison.
MARY JEMISON. 385
many women, especially young women who had mar-
ried Indians, being compelled to return with their
children to the settlements, did so with reluctance
and several afterwards made their escape. But,
secondly, more pathetic was the case of young children
who had lost memory even of their mothers. Park-
man, in his intensely dramatic description of the
Carlisle delivery ("Conspiracy of Pontiac," Volume
II, page 234), instances the case of an old woman
whose daughter had been carried off nine years before
and had lost remembrance of her mother.
"Bouquet suggested an expedient. 'Sing the song
that you used to sing to her when a child/ The old
woman obeyed; and a sudden start, a look of be-
wilderment, and a passionate flood of tears, removed
every doubt, and restored the long lost daughter to
her mother's arms."
Mr. Frank H. Severance, secretary of the Buffalo
Historical Society, in answer to inquiries, furnishes the
following memorandum on the subject:
"Regarding bounty offered by the English king for
prisoners brought in to posts: I did not find in the
printed books any definite statement on that point.
It is true that the British authorities paid for prisoners,
the payment taking various forms. Probably the
offer of bounty was renewed from time to time, but I
can give you no dates. If any are to be found, I think
likely it would be in the Haldimand papers, a great
manuscript collection, which may be consulted in the
Archivist's office at Ottawa. Several volumes of in-
dexes and calendars to these papers have been pub-
lished. My impression is that some years ago at
Ottawa, while working with these papers, I found
various allusions to the offering of bounties, either for
386 LIFE OF
prisoners or scalps; but I find here no note regarding
the matter."
Mr. William Smith of Ottawa, official in charge of
the Manuscript Room of the Public Archives of
Canada, in response to inquiries from the Reviser,
had a careful search made through the Haldimand
and Bouquet collections, which are well calendared,
but found nothing in connection with bounties of-
fered by the King of England for the return of
prisoners. Later, Mr. Smith furnished the following
memorandum:
"With further reference to your letter of the loth
inst., the officer in charge of the manuscripts has laid
before me certain papers, which I am inclined to think
furnish the answer to your question. These are
three treaties of peace signed with various tribes of
Indians, in each of which it is stipulated on the part
of the English and agreed to by the Indians that all
prisoners in the hands of the latter shall be released.
The first is between Sir William Johnson and the
' deputies' sent from the whole Seneca Nation. It
was made on the 3rd of April, 1764. The second is
with the 'Chenussios Indians and enemy Senecas/
It provides that the Chenussios shall deliver up at
the same time Sherlock the Deserter and prisoners
yet amongst them, so as they may accompany those
fourteen already delivered up to Sir William Johnson.
It was signed on the 6th August, 1764. The third is
with the Huron Indians of Detroit. It provides that
'any English who may be prisoners or deserters and
any negroes, Panis or other slaves amongst the Hurons
who are British Property shall be delivered up/ This
was signed on the i8th July, 1764. I have not had
time to go further, but this may answer your enquiry.
In any case there was no disposition with the English
at this time to secure the return of prisoners by means
of gifts."
MARY JEMISON. 387
Still later Mr. Smith furnished the following:
"Today I have gone over the series of documents re-
lating to the Indians from 1765 until 1768, and am
convinced that there is no information such as you are
seeking, in the papers of that period. I notice you
lay some stress on the phrase 'the King of England/
but that phrase was used frequently in similar con-
nections, when no more was meant than the Governor,
or other person in authority. I am sorry I cannot
help you to arrive at finality, though I think the high
probability is not in favor of the view derived from
Mrs. Jemison's books." — Reviser, ed. 1918.
90. No SENECA KINGS.
(Page 59, line 23.)
There is no propriety whatever in calling any of
the Seneca chiefs by the title of King. The nation
was originally governed by eight sachems, all of
whom were equal in rank and authority; and the
title was hereditary in the tribe, although not strictly
in the family of the individual. The son could never
succeed his father, because the father and son were
always of different tribes. There were eight tribes
in the Seneca nation — the Wolf, Bear, Beaver, Deer,
Turtle, Snipe, Heron, and Hawk. No man was al-
lowed to marry into his own clan; and the children
were of the tribe of the mother. The title being
hereditary in the tribe and clan, the son was thereby
excluded from the succession. At a later day a class
of chiefs were created subordinate to the sachems;
but in course of time they came to have an equal
voice with the sachems in the administration of the
affairs of the nation. The office was elective, and for
life, and was not hereditary. To this day they have
388 LIFE OF
the eight sachems, still holding by the ancient tenure,
and about seventy chiefs. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
91. BIG TREE TREATY.
(Page 62, line 16.)
In "the report of the special committee appointed
by the Assembly of 1888 to investigate the Indian
Problem of the State," at pages 19-20, is the following
passage, beginning with a reference to Thomas Morris:
"He went into their country, followed their trails
from the wigwam of one chief to that of another, and
after much difficulty and the use of all his persuasive
arts, the Indians agreed to hold a conference, and
designated Big Tree, now Geneseo, as the place
where the same should be held. President Washing-
ton nominated Jeremiah Wadsworth as commissioner
on the part of the United States, and the interested
parties met together in August, 1797, and negotiations
began. . . . Negotiations were resumed and on the i$th
day of September, 1797, the treaty was signed which
transferred nearly all the country which now com-
prises Western New York from the hands of the red
men to their white neighbors."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
92. END OF THE FRENCH WAR.
(Page 63, line 5.)
Mr. O'Reilly, in his "History of Rochester and
Western New York," page 56, interpolates after the
words French War, "or, rather, after the termination
of the difficulties consequent on the connection of the
Senecas with the conspiracy of Pontiac." The
French War ended with the Peace of Paris, February
10, 1763. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
MARY JEMISON 389
93. THE SENEGAS IN THE REVOLUTION.
(Page 63, line 7.)
The French War was concluded in 1763 and the
American Revolution began in 1775, but the Senecas
did not take part in the conflict till some time in 1777
or 1778. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
94. THE COUNCIL OF GERMAN FLATS.
(Page 65, line 6.)
The council between the commissioners of the
twelve United Colonies and the Six Nations convened
at German Flats August 15 and 16, 1775, and con-
cluded its sittings at Albany, September 1st. — Letch-
worthy ed. 1880.
Mr. Frank H. Severance of Buffalo furnishes the fol-
lowing memorandum on this subject:
"There are many references to the Council at
German Flats in the books; the most explicit I find
is in Benton's 'History of Herkimer County.' On
the 28th of June, 1775, a council was held there be-
tween inhabitants of the district and the Oneidas
and Tuscaroras, which was also attended by a depu-
tation from Albany and resulted in a pledge of neu-
trality by most of the Indians present. (Page 69.)
Another council, which I take to be the one which
you ask about, was held at German Flats, August
15 and 16, 1775, 'To induce the six nations to send
deputies to Albany to meet the American commis-
sioners, where it was proposed to kindle up a great
council fire/ The council at Albany opened August
23rd and closed August 31, 1775. This last date sub-
stantially agrees with the note in the 1880 edition
of the Jemison book reprinted on p. 112 of the 1898,
1910 and 1913 editions/'
390 LIFE OF
95. THE COUNCIL OF OSWEGO.
(Page 65, line 23.)
The council between the British commissioners and
those of the Six Nations convened at Fort Oswego in
July, 1777. Mrs. Jemison errs in making the Fort
Oswego council only "one year" after the council
between the twelve United Colonies and the Six
Nations, and consequently the date 1776 which is
given later (page 67) and the three events assigned ap-
parently to that year are equally in error as to date.
In particular, the capture referred to, of prisoners at
Cherry Valley was in all probability still another year
later — that is, in 1778.
Mr. Frank H. Severance furnishes the following
memorandum concerning the Oswego council:
"Besides the references given in your letter, I refer
you to Churchill's * Landmarks of Oswego County/
page 107, where it is stated: 'In July (1777), Brant
arrived at Oswego with a band of followers and they
were soon joined by other parties of warriors of the
six nations. Butler came from Niagara to take part
in the council to be held/ Churchill gives no exact
dates, but he adds: * About the time the council closed
St. Leger arrived/ This was prior to July 27, when
the first detachment of St. Leger's army left Oswego.
A more satisfactory reference perhaps will be found
in Stone's 'Life of Brant/ volume I, edition of 1851.
In chapter 8, page 187, some account of this council
is given and a footnote refers to the account in the
'Life of Mary Jemison/ as being the best known
record of it. On page 210 it is stated that 'Col.
Butler was to arrive at Oswego on the I4th day of
July, from Niagara, to hold a council with the six
nations/ This perhaps fixes the date of the opening
of the council at about the I4th or I5th July."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
MARY JEMISON. 391
96. UNANIMITY IN IROQUOIS DECISIONS.
(Page 66, line 25.)
Unanimity was a fundamental law of the Iroquois
civil polity. When the question of joining the
English came before the council of the League the
Oneidas refused to concur, and thus defeated the
measure; but it was agreed that each nation might
engage in it upon its own responsibility. It was im-
possible to keep the Mohawks from the English
alliance. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
97. CAU-TE-GA.
(Page 67, line 8.)
Dr. W. M. Beauchamp in a memorandum says that
Cau-te-ga is almost certainly a form of Adega as that
is of Otega. There were settlers south of Otsego Lake
in 1776 and Indian hostilities commenced there. — Re-
viser, ed. 1918.
98. CHERRY VALLEY CAPTIVES.
(Page 67, line 18.)
Unquestionably the reference here is to the case
of Mrs. John Moore who with her three daughters
was captured at Cherry Valley at the time of the
massacre, November n, 1778, and was taken to
Kanadesaga (Geneva) with Mrs. Jane Campbell and
her four children and certain others. At Kana-
desaga the families were separated. About a year
later Mrs. Moore and her children were exchanged
and returned to Cherry Valley, with the exception of
one daughter, Jane, who had, not long after her
arrival at Niagara, married a Captain Powell (not
392 LIFE OF
Johnson as Mary Jemison states, page 68), an English
officer of excellent reputation, with whom she re-
mained in Canada. (See "History of Cherry Val-
ley" by John Sawyer.) — Reviser, ed. 1918.
99. JOSEPH SMITH.
(Page 67, line 29.)
Mr. Conover in his history of "Kanadesaga and
Geneva" notes that Joseph Smith was quite a
prominent character at an early day at Canandaigua,
and that he had been a captain among the Indians
and when finally set free had chosen to remain among
them. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
100. BATTLE OF FORT STANWIX.
(Page 68, line 9.)
The battle of Fort Stanwix, or Fort Schuyler, or
Oriskany, as it is variously styled, was fought August
6, 1777. — Reviser •, ed. 1918.
101. SULLIVAN'S EXPEDITION.
(Page 69, line 24.)
General Sullivan's expedition of destruction reached
Kanadesaga (Geneva) Thursday, September 7, 1779,
the Valley of the Genesee the I4th, and arrived back
at Kanadesaga the I9th. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
102. LIEUTENANT THOMAS BOYD
(Page 72, line 15.)
The name of Lieutenant Boyd should be Thomas,
not William as printed in the text. See also descrip-
tion of his fate on pages 149-156. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
The horrible death of Lieutenant Thomas Boyd, as
MARY JEMISON. 393
described by Mary Jemison in the foregoing pages,
and the cruel torture to which the Indians subjected
their captives, are so revolting as to shock every
feeling of humanity; but it should be borne in mind
that such inhuman practices are not special charac-
teristics of the Indian race. Their parallel may not
infrequently be found in the annals of the white race.
The people of Spain, at the time they took possession
of the island of San Domingo, claimed to be refined,
chivalrous, and believers in Christianity. After sub-
jugating the inhabitants of the island they reduced
them to a condition of abject servitude. Under an
organized system the Indians were apportioned to
Spanish gentlemen by the Government, to work on
their plantations and in the gold mines during eight
months of the year. Cruel tasks were exacted of
these laborers and insufficient food supplied them.
When the condition of these once proud and inde-
pendent Indians became intolerable they revolted
against it. In the province of Higuey they were
overcome by the Spaniards and great numbers were
indiscriminately slaughtered. Such as escaped to the
mountains were hunted like wild beasts. It is re-
corded in Irving's "Life of Columbus" that —
"Sometimes they would hunt down a straggling
Indian and compel him, by torments, to betray the
hiding-place of his companions, binding him and
driving him before them as a guide. Wherever they
discovered one of these places of refuge filled with the
aged and infirm, with feeble women and helpless
children, they massacred them without mercy. They
wished to inspire terror throughout the land, and to
frighten the whole tribe into submission. They cut
off the hands of those whom they took roving at large,
26
394 LIFE OF
and sent them, as they said, to deliver them as letters
to their friends, demanding their surrender.
"The conquerors delighted in exercising strange
and ingenious cruelties. They mingled horrible
levity with their bloodthirstiness. They erected gib-
bets long and low, so that the feet of the sufferers
might reach the ground, and their death be lingering.
They hanged thirteen together, in reverence of our
blessed Savior and the twelve apostles. While their
victims were suspended, and still living, they hacked
them with their swords to prove the strength of their
arms and the edge of their weapons. They wrapped
them in dry straw, and setting fire to it, terminated
their existence by the fiercest agony.
"These are horrible details, yet a veil is drawn
over others still more detestable They are related
circumstantially by Las Casas, who was an eye
witness. He was young at the time, but records
them in his advanced years. 'All these things/ says
the venerable Bishop, 'and others revolting to human
nature, did my own eyes behold; and now I almost
fear to repeat them, scarce believing myself, or
whether I have not dreamt them/"
Even in our own day we read of two Seminole
Indians who, on suspicion of murder, without legal
examination or sanction by court or jury, were chained
to an oak tree by a mob of whites, surrounded with
combustible material, and burned to death. Their
skeletons were left hanging in the chains encircling
them, a ghastly spectacle to passing beholders. This
occurred at Paris, Texas, on the border-land of the
Indian Territory, January, 1898.
The torture of Lieutenant Boyd by the Iroquois
was inflicted while the Indians were highly exasper-
ated and filled with a spirit of revenge at the destruc-
tion of their houses, crops, and means of subsistence
by Sullivan's army; while the whites of San Domingo,
MARY JEMISON. 395
inspired by the baser motive of avarice, committed
in cold blood the barbarities described.
—Letchworth, ed. 1898.
103. CATAWBA CREEK.
(Page 73, line 17.)
Later editions describe this creek as "Stony
Creek, which empties into the Tonawanda Creek
at Varysburg, Wyoming County." Dr. Beauchamp
notes that the name Catawba is a southern name and
not an Iroquois word. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
104. SEVERE WINTERS.
(Page 75, line 15.)
The succeeding winter was that of 1780. Mary
Jemison's description of this remarkable winter in
western New York is confirmed in the Fifth Annual
Report of the Meteorological Bureau and Weather
Service of the State of New York, which speaks of
the winter of 1780 as showing the most signal and
severe depression of temperature belonging to our entire
history, excepting perhaps that of 1856. A special
feature mentioned in the Report is worth repeating:
" People did ride with horses and sleighs from New
York to Staten Island * * * and from New York to
Paulus Hook and Bergen and also to Long Island,
and did ride upon the ice from New York to Albany
and further, and also crossed the Sound upon ice
from New London to Long Island with carriages of
burden, which has never been known to have been
done before."
Since 1780 exceptional seasons of similar character
have occurred within the State of New York at in-
tervals of approximately twenty years:
396 LIFE OF
1798-9: Smock's Climatology of New Jersey speaks
of this winter as "A long and severe winter, with
much snow; March I2th, deep snow. 1799 c°ld
weather in spring; ice, April 2Oth; frost, June 5th."
1816: The New York Weather Service Report
mentioned above notes that from May to September,
1812, each month was from 3.6 degrees to 7.2 degrees
below the average (at Cambridge, Mass.), a refrigera-
tion equaled for two months only, June and July, of
1816, which were 5 degrees and 5.8 degrees below.
In the Northern States snow and frosts occurred in
every month of both summers; Indian corn did not
ripen; fruits and grains were greatly reduced in
quantity and wholly cut off. In England, 1816 was
almost as extreme as in the United States.
J#J5: On the night of the i6th of December of this
year, the year of the Great Fire in New York City,
the weather was phenomenally cold, the coldest
known for many years. An alarm of fire having been
raised, the firemen in responding found out that the
water froze in the pipes before it could be used.
j#55 and 1856: In 1855 the waters of Seneca Lake
were completely covered with ice, February 24 and 25.
This refrigeration is known as the first Ice-cap of the
Seneca. The very extraordinary character of the
winter of 1856 is described in the Fifth Annual Report
of the New York Meteorological Bureau quoted above.
1875: The second complete Ice-cap of Seneca Lake
was formed February 9 and 10.
1885: The third complete Ice-cap of Seneca Lake
occurred February 23 and 24.
1912: The fourth complete Ice-cap of Seneca Lake
occurred February 10 and n.
There may have been complete ice-caps previous to
MARY JEMISON. 397
1855 but no records of such are known. The four ice-
caps here mentioned were recorded and described
by John Corbett, editor of The Schuyler County
Chronicle.
The only mention so far as the Reviser knows of an
exceptional season in the land of the Senecas previous
to 1780, the year described by Mary Jemison, is a
characterization in the Fifth Annual Report of the
New York Weather Service of the year 1740-41 as
"the hard winter so called."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
105. JOHN O'BAIL.
(Page 77, line 16.)
The name O'Bail is apparently only another form
of the name Abeel. Mr. W. Max Reid's "The Mo-
hawk Valley. Its Legends and Its History," G. P.
Putnam's Sons, 1907 — a definitive work on its sub-
ject—says, page 134:
"Certain lands are spoken of as being parts of the
Wilson and Abeel patent, granted to Ebenezer Wilson
and John Abeel, the father of the celebrated half-
breed, Cornplanter, who was on General Washing-
ton's staff during the Revolution."
That O'Bail is a variant of Abeel is signally con-
firmed by the following memorandum received from
Mr. Robert H. Kelby, the librarian of The New York
Historical Society:
"Christopher Janse Abeel was the progenitor of
this family in America. John Abeel, an Indian
trader, settled in the town Minden, a short distance
from Fort Plain, in 1748. He secured several hun-
dred acres of land of one of the grantees of the
398 LIFE OF
Bleecker Patent. (Whittemore's 'Abeel and Allied
Families/ page 4, quoting the History of Montgom-
ery County, pages 218 and 233.) The same book,
speaking of the Indian marriage, says: 'There may
have been an effort on the part of those interested
to cover up the facts at the time by permitting a mis-
spelling of the name which has passed into history
as O'Bail (easily mistaken for Abeel)"
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
106. CORNPLANTER'S TOMAHAWK.
(Page 77, Hne 23.)
Cornplanter's tomahawk is now in the State Indian
Collection at Albany. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
This interesting relic narrowly escaped destruction
in the fire in the State Capitol in 1911. It was
rescued by Mr. Arthur C. Parker who took it from
a burning case. The head of the hatchet was too
hot to touch and the handle was sizzling with hot
varnish. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
107. EBENEZER ALLEN.
(Page 79, line 31.)
"Ebenezer Allen was no hero, but, rather, a des-
perado. He warred against his own race, country,
and color; and vied with his savage allies in deeds of
cruelty and bloodshed. He was a native of New
Jersey." — (Turner's "History of the Holland Pur-
chase," p. 297.) — Morgan, ed. 1856.
108. EBENEZER ALLEN'S MILL.
(Page 87, line 21.)
For Mr. Maude's account of Allen's mill see
O'Reilly's "Rochester and Western New York," page
357. The grist and saw mill built on the Genesee
MARY JEMISON. 399
River at the Rochester Falls by Ebenezer Allen in
1789 is not to be confused with the saw mill erected
by Messrs. Ziba Hurd and Alva Palmer in 1823 just
above the Middle Fall of the Genesee on ground now
constituting a portion of Letchworth Park. (See
page 181 preceding and note No. 148.) — Reviser, ed.
1918.
109. MORILLA GREGORY.
(Page 89, line 8.)
Turner, in his "History of the Holland Purchase,"
page 301, gives the name of this wife as Mille
M'Gregor.— Reviser, ed. 1918.
no. LAND GIVEN TO ALLEN'S CHILDREN.
(Page 89, line 25.)
The amount of land given by the Indians to Allen's
children, here stated to be "four miles square," is
corrected in later editions to "two miles square." —
Reviser, ed. 1918.
in. LAND CLAIM OF ALLEN'S DAUGHTER.
(Page 90, line 23.)
The remainder of this paragraph, describing Allen's
persistence in urging his daughter's title to the land,
was omitted from the 1842 Batavia editions for some
reason not stated. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
112. SIMCOE'S GRANT TO ALLEN.
(Page 92, line 4.)
"Governor Simcoe granted him three thousand
acres of land, upon condition that he would build a
saw-mill, a grist-mill, and a church — all but the
400 LIFE OF
church to be his property. He performed his part of
the contract, and the title to his land was confirmed.
In a few years, he had his mills, a comfortable dwell-
ing, large improvements, was a good liver, and those
who knew him at that period represent him as hos-
pitable and obliging. About the year 1806, or 1807,
reverses began to overtake him. At one period he
was arrested, and tried for forgery; at another, for
passing counterfeit money; at another, for larceny.
He was acquitted of each offense upon trial. He was
obnoxious to many of his white neighbors, and it is
likely that a^ least two of the charges against him
arose out of a combination that was promoted by
personal enmity. All this brought on embarrass-
ments, which terminated in an almost entire loss of
his large property. He died in 1814." (Turner's
"History of the Holland Purchase," p. 302-3.)—
Morgan, ed. 1856.
113. RED JACKET'S CHARACTER.
(Page 94. line 27.)
Those interested to read a judicious appreciation
of Red Jacket, but too long for citation here, are re-
ferred to Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt's article "Red Jacket"
in "The Handbook of American Indians. Bulletin
30, Part 2." — Reviser, ed. 1918.
114. RED JACKET'S OFFICIAL NAME.
(Page 94, line 28.)
The New York State Ethnologist, Mr. Arthur C.
Parker, in answer to a query as to probable cause of
the application to Red Jacket of the name, "Keeper
Awake," furnishes this memorandum:
"I beg to say that the original name and perhaps
the only official name ever held by Red Jacket was
Otftiam, as you have quoted it from the hand book.
WILLIAM PRYOR LETCHWORTH, LL.D.
The donor of Letchworth Park where Mary Jemison is buried.
MARY JEMISON. 401
It was sometimes translated Always Ready but per-
haps the simpler translation He is prepared would
be more correct. I do not know that there is any
record that the name Sagoyewatha was ever used as
the name of the principal chief of the Confederacy.
It was given to him when he was declared a Pine
Tree chief. This latter name, sometimes pronounced
by my informants Sa-go-ye-wa-tha, signifies He makes
them to be awake. This word was derived from
Wa-yen-yet, He wakes them, and from Ho-ye-tha, with
the same meaning. I have frequently heard that this
name was selected because of Red Jacket's noisiness
when coming home from a drinking affair in town.
At any rate, many of the Seneca, if not most of them,
to-day look upon the name somewhat derisively and
assert that it was merely a nick-name describing one
of his traits. In explanation of this, however, it
may be said that the modern Seneca were greatly
prejudiced against Red Jacket by his enemy the
prophet Handsome Lake, who wove into his doc-
trines, which are still preached among the so-called
pagans, a scathing criticism of Red Jacket and
branded him as a land seller. Handsome Lake there-
fore has created a large following with a hereditary
prejudice against the great orator."
Dr. Beauchamp adds the following: " Sa-go-wat-ha
was a frequent Cayuga name, and as Red Jacket was
born on Cayuga Lake he probably had a Cayuga
father."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
115. RED JACKET'S OPPOSITION.
(Page 94, line 29.)
In later editions the expression "opposed me or my
claim" was changed to "opposed me and my claim."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
402 LIFE OF
1 1 6. THE GARDOW TRACT.
(Page 95, line 4.)
Later editions add "or the Gardeau Reservation."
Dr. Beauchamp notes in his "Aboriginal Place
Names" that according to Morgan "Gardow or
Gardeau should be Ga-da'-o, meaning bank in front.19
The site of Mary Jemison's home on Gardeau
Flats is about five or five and a half miles in an air-
line northeast of the Middle Fall at Letchworth Park
and about three and a half miles in an air-line east-
northeast of Castile. It is on the alluvial flat half a
mile wide on the left bank of the Genesee river. In
1918 it was difficult of access on account of the con-
dition of the roads; but the pilgrim who is not afraid
of a little climbing will be repaid by a visit to this
peaceful and secluded valley which snuggles down
between protecting cliffs 500 feet high on either side
of the river. The cliffs on the right bank rise almost
perpendicularly, and are the characteristic which gives
the meaning of Ga-da'-o, as stated by Morgan. The
land is extremely fertile and at the time of the publi-
cation of the 1918 edition was growing flourishing
crops of corn and beans, as in the Indian days, and
other crops. The site of Mary Jemison's house is
occupied by a frame dwelling of recent construction,
but is said to contain some of its original timbers,
and tradition points to one post in its framework
bearing tomahawk marks. About eighty rods north
of the site is still to be seen the picturesque log cabin
of Mary Jemison's daughter Betsey (see page 144).
The log cabin of Mary Jemison's daughter Nancy,
which formerly stood eighty rods south of Mary
Jemison's cabin (see page 143) is now in Letchworth
MARY JEMISON. 403
Park near Mary Jemison's grave, as stated on page
237. Indian arrow points and spear-heads are
occasionally found in the vicinity.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
117. PARRISH AND JONES.
(Page 95, line 8.)
The reference here is to Jasper Parrish and Capt.
Horatio Jones, the first being the Indian agent of the
United States and the other interpreter. Both of
these men had been taken prisoners by the Indians
and adopted, and had been detained with them many
years. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
1 1 8. KAU-TAM.
(Page 95, line 15.)
This name should be spelled Kautan. There are
no labials in the Iroquois dialect. Dr. Beauchamp
prefers Kautaw to Kautan, and similarly Gardow to
Gardeau. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
119. STRIKING A PARENT UNFORGIVABLE.
(Page 98, line 17.)
The following memorandum is furnished by Mr.
Arthur C. Parker in response to an inquiry:
"Regarding the statement that Tom Jemison struck
Hiokatoo, — the Indians were like many of the
Oriental races in denouncing a child who struck his
Earent. It was a sin that was never easily forgiven
y the people, inasmuch as all the religious training
of the Seneca taught the veneration of parents and
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
4o4 LIFE OF
1 2O. TONEWANTA.
(Page 103, line 29.)
In later editions Tonewanta is spelled Tonawanda.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
I
121. THE CATAWBAS.
(Page 105, line 25.)
Note A of the Appendix of Mr. O'Reilly's "History
of Rochester and Western New York" points out that
a change in the spelling of a single name (Cotawpes to
Catazvbas) renders the testimony of Mrs. Jemison
accordant with that of Governor Clinton respecting
the wars between the Six Nations and the southern
Indians. All the later editions of Dr. Seaver's "Life
of Mary Jemison" read Catazvbas. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
122. CLARKSVILLE.
(Page 105, line 27.)
Later editions correctly amend Dr. Seaver's state-
ment by placing Clarksville in the County of Mont-
gomery, Tenn. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
123. FORT FREELAND.
(Page 106, last line.)
The Rev. Dr. Donehoo, secretary of the Pennsyl-
vania Historical Commission, furnishes this memoran-
dum concerning the affair at Fort Freeland:
"The massacre at Fort Freeland was July 29,
1779 (not 1777, as stated). This fort was situated
on Warriors' Run, near Watsontown, Pa., about one
mile east of Warriors' Run Church. The fort was
MARY JEMISON. 405
surrounded by about 300 British and Indians, under
the command of Capt. McDonald. There were but
21 men in the fort, which was surrendered — the women
and children being allowed to leave. These went to
Fort Augusta, at the present Sunbury, Pa. The
men were held as prisoners. After the fort had
surrendered Capts. Boone and Daugherty — well
known frontiersmen — arrived with 30 men. They
supposed that the fort was still in the hands of the
Americans. Making a dash across Warriors1 Run,
they were surrounded by Indians. Capts. Hawkins,
Boone and Samuel Daugherty, with half their force,
were killed. Thirteen scalps of this party were taken
into the fort. Samuel Brady, the famous Indian
fighter, was in this attack, but escaped. There was
no 'massacre/ as the 52 women and children were
allowed to leave the fort. Capt. McDonald, the
British officer in command, prevented the massacre
of the women and children. The capture of this
fort by the Indians caused the most wide-spread
terror throughout the entire West Branch Valley.
All of the roads leading to Fort Augusta were thronged
with settlers who had deserted their homes. Hiokatoo
was in command of the Indians at this attack."
— Reviser, ed. igi8.
124. PLACE OF CRAWFORD'S EXECUTION.
(Page ii2, line 9.)
The spot where Crawford suffered was a few miles
west of Upper Sandusky, according to Colonel John
Johnston in Howe's "Historical Collections of Ohio,"
page 546. — Reviser •, ed. 1918.
125. THE CRAWFORD-KNIGHT-WILLIAMSON AFFAIR.
(Page 113, line 29.)
For a somewhat fuller account than the one here
given of the Crawford-Knight-Williamson affair see
406 LIFE OF
Howe's "Historical Collections of Ohio," pages 543^-
549. — Revisery ed. 1918.
126. DR. KNIGHT'S NARRATIVE.
(Page 115, line 24.)
"The Narrative of Dr. Knight," written by himself
according to Judge H. H. Brackenridge's recollection,
is the fifth in a collection of fifty narratives published
in one large octavo volume at Chambersburg, Pa.,
in 1839, by J. Pritts, and entitled "Incidents of Border
Life Illustrative of the Times and Conditions of the
First Settlements in Parts of the Middle and Western
States," &c. The narrative is nine pages in length
and recites many harrowing details not in Mary
Jemison's version. A copy of this very rare book is
owned by Dr. Donehoo. The date of the first appear-
ance of Dr. Knight's narrative is not there given. —
Reviser, ed. 1918.
127. THE DAVID REESE AFFAIR.
(Page 122, line 21.)
"Soon after the War of 1812, an altercation oc-
curred between David Reese, (who was at that time
the government blacksmith for the Senecas, upon
the reservation near Buffalo,) and a Seneca Indian
called Young King, which resulted in a severe blow
with a scythe, inflicted by Reese, which nearly
severed one of the Indian's arms; so near, in fact,
that amputation was immediately resorted to. The
circumstance created considerable excitement among
the Indians, which extended to Gardeau, the then
home of the Jemison family. John Jemison headed
a party from there, and went to Buffalo, giving out,
as he traveled along the road, that he was going to
kill Reese. The author saw him on his way, and
MARY JEMISON. 407
recollects how well he personated the ideal Angel of
Death. His weapons were the war-club and the
tomahawk; red paint was daubed on his swarthy
face, and long bunches of horse-hair, colored red,
were dangling from each arm. His warlike appear-
ance was well calculated to give an earnest to his
threats. Reese was kept secreted, and thus, in all
probability, avoided the fate that even kindred had
met at the hands of John Jemison." (Turner's
'History of the Holland Purchase," p. 295.)—
Morgan, ed. 1856.
128. LEICESTER.
(Page 123, line i.)
Later editions change Leicester to Genesee Flats. —
Reviser, ed. 1918.
129. GEORGE JEMISON 's DISPOSITION.
(Page 126, line 23.)
In later editions, friendly is corrected to unfriendly.
— Reviser, ed.
130. INDIAN PUNISHMENT OF MURDER.
(Page 130, line 34-)
"The greatest of all human crimes, murder, was
punished with death; but the act was open to con-
donation. Unless the family were appeased, the
murderer, as with the ancient Greeks, was given up
to their private vengeance. They could take his life
wherever they found him, even after the lapse of
years, without being held accountable. A present
of white wampum sent on the part of the murderer
to the family of his victim, when accepted, forever
obliterated the memory of the transaction."
("League of the Iroquois," p. 331.) — Morgan, ed.
1856.
4o8 LIFE OF
131. SPIRITS, OR RUM.
(Page 141, line 4.)
The word spirits is here used singly and means rum.
Writing in 1889, Mr. Conover in his "Kanadesaga
and Geneva" says: "Rum was commonly called
spirits even up to as late as 30 or 40 years ago. The
name spirits, when used singly, was never applied to
any other kind of liquor." — Reviser, ed. 1918.
132. THE DEVIL'S HOLE AFFAIR.
(Page 146, line 4.)
The Devil's Hole is a sort of bay or indentation
worn by the water into the cliff on the right bank
of the Niagara River about four miles below the falls.
Concerning the affair there in 1763 and the date,
see page 55 of the text, also notes Nos. 78 and 87. —
Reviser, ed. 1918.
133. CHILD FOUND AT KANADESAGA.
(Page 152, line 17.)
In his history of "Kanadesaga and Geneva," page
209, George S. Conover, speaking of the affair here
referred to, says:
"They found all had fled and not a soul was in the
town save a little white boy some three or four years
old who was entirely naked and almost starved.
This child was tenderly cared for and adopted by
Captain Machin, who had him christened Thomas
Machin. After the return of the family the boy was
placed with a family near Newburgh, where he soon
after died from an attack of the smallpox. No clue
was ever obtained as to its parentage."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
MARY JEMISON. 409
134. GE-NUN-DE-WAH.
(Page 157, line 15.)
The true name of the Senecas is Nun-da-wa-o-no,
from Nun-da-wa-o, a great hill. Hence the name of
Nunda, from Nun-dd-o, hilly. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
135. NAU-WAN-E-U.
(Page 161, line 10.)
Ha'-wen-ne'-yu. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
136. BAD SPIRIT.
(Page 162, line 9.)
Hd-ne-go-ate'-geh, the Evil-minded. — Morgan, ed.
1856.
137. INDIAN FESTIVALS.
(Page 163, line 8.)
"Six regular festivals, or 'thanksgivings,' were ob-
served by the Iroquois. The first in the order of
time was the Maple festival. This was a return of
thanks to the maple itself, for yielding its sweet
waters. Next was the Planting festival, designed
chiefly as an invocation of the Great Spirit to bless
the seed. Third came the Strawberry festival, in-
stituted as a thanksgiving for the first fruits of the
earth. The fourth was the Green Corn festival,
designed as a thanksgiving acknowledgment for the
ripening of the corn, beans, and squashes. Next was
celebrated the Harvest festival, instituted as a
general thanksgiving to 'our supporters/ after the
gathering of the harvest. Last in the enumeration is
placed the New Year's festival, the great jubilee of
the Iroquois, at which the white dog was sacrificed."
("League of the Iroquois," p. 183.) — Morgan, ed. 1856.
27
LIFE OF
138. SCARCITY OF WHITE DOGS.
(Page 164, last line.)
The reason for the change from two dogs to one
seems to have been the difficulty of securing proper
animals, the ceremony requiring that the dogs be pure
white. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
139. THE WHITE DOG CEREMONY.
(Page 166, line 32.)
"On the morning of the fifth day, soon after dawn,
the white dog was burned on an altar of wood, erected
by the keepers of the faith, near the council-house.
It is difficult, from outward observation, to draw
forth the true intent with which the dog was burned.
The obscurity with which the object was veiled has
led to various conjectures. Among other things, it
has been pronounced a sacrifice for sin. In the religious
system of the Iroquois there is no recognition of the
doctrine of atonement for sin, or of the absolution or
forgiveness of sins. Upon this whole subject their
system is silent. An act, once done, was registered
beyond the power of change. The greatest advance
upon this point of faith was the belief that good deeds
cancelled the evil, thus placing heaven, through good
works, within the reach of all. The notion that this
was an expiation for sin is thus refuted by their sys-
tem of theology itself. The other idea, that the sins
of the people, by some mystic process, were trans-
ferred to the dog, and by him thus borne away, on the
principle of the scapegoat of the Hebrews, is also
without any foundation in truth. The burning of
the dog had not the slightest connection with the
sin of the people. On the contrary, the simple idea
of the sacrifice was, to send up the spirit of the dog
as a messenger to the Great Spirit, to announce their
continued fidelity to his service, and, also, to convey
to him their united thanks for the blessings of the
MARY JEMISON. 411
year. The fidelity of the dog, the companion of the
Indian, as a hunter was emblematical of their fidelity.
No messenger so trusty could be found, to bear their
petitions to the Master of Life. The Iroquois be-
lieved that the Great Spirit made a covenant with
their fathers, to the effect that, when they should send
up to him the spirit of a dog, of a spotless white, he
would receive it as a pledge of their adherence to his
worship, and his ears would thus be opened in a
special degree to their petitions." ("League of the
Iroquois," p. 216.) — Morgan, ed. 1856.
140. ORIGIN OF THE WAR DANCE.
(Page 168, line 3.)
"About one hundred years ago," the time of the
origin of the war dance mentioned in the text of the
first edition published in 1824, refers, of course, to the
early part of the eighteenth century. — Reviser, ed.
1918.
141. GOVERNMENT OF THE Six NATIONS.
(Page 170, line 15.)
The government of the Six Nations, when they
were in the zenith of their prosperity and power, was
an oligarchy, composed of a mixture of elective and
hereditary power; and to the skeleton of such a
government the remnant of the race still adhere.
Their government was administered by chiefs — each
tribe having two; one of whom was hereditary, and
the other elective; the term of whose office was during
good behavior, and might be removed for any real or
supposed sufficient cause, which, however, was seldom
put in execution. The elective sachem was the
military chieftain, whose duty it was to attend to all
the military concerns of the tribe, and command the
warriors in battle. They were both members of the
4i2 LIFE OF
general council of the confederacy, as well as of the
national council, which met as often as necessity
required, and settled all questions, involving matters
in which their own nation only had an interest; but
the general council of the confederacy met but once a
year, except in cases of emergency. It then met at
Onondaga, being the headquarters of the most central
nation, where all great questions of general interest,
such as peace and war — the concerns of tributary
nations, and all negotiations with the French and
English were debated, deliberated upon, and decided.
All decisions made by the chiefs of a tribe, which af-
fected the members of that tribe only — all decisions of
the national council, solely relative to the affairs of
that nation, (a majority of chiefs concurring,) * and
all decisions of the general council of the confederacy,
were laws and decrees from which there was no appeal.
There is also a class of counselors in the several tribes
who have great influence over, but no direct voice in
the decision of any question. — Mix, ed. 184.2.
* The author has fallen into an error in this par-
ticular. It was a fundamental law of the confederacy,
and also of each nation, that the chiefs "must be of
one mind;" that is, unanimous. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
"At the institution of the league fifty permanent
sachemships were created, with appropriate names;
and in the sachems who held these titles were vested
the supreme power of the confederacy. To secure or-
der in the succession, and to determine the individuals
entitled, the sachemships were made hereditary, under
limited and peculiar laws of descent. The sachems
themselves were equal in rank and authority, and
instead of holding separate territorial jurisdictions,
their powers were joint and co-extensive with the
league. As a safeguard against contention and
MARY JEMISON. 413
fraud, such sachem was 'raised up/ and invested with
his title, by a council of all the sachems, with suitable
forms and ceremonies. Until this ceremony of con-
firmation or investiture, no one could become a ruler.
He received, when raised up, the name of the sachem-
ship itself, as in the case of the titles of nobility, and
so also did his successors, from generation to genera-
tion. The sachemships were distributed unequally
between the five nations. Nine of them were as-
signed to the Mohawk nation, nine to the Oneida,
fourteen to the Onondaga, ten to the Cayuga, and
eight to the Seneca. The sachems, united, formed
the council of the League — the ruling body in whom
resided the executive, legislative, and judicial au-
thority.
"It thus appears that the government of the
Iroquois was an oligarchy, taking the term, at least,
in the literal sense, 'the rule of the few;' and while
more system is observable in this, than in the oli-
garchies of antiquity, it seems, also, better calculated
in its framework to resist political changes. . . .
Next to the sachems, in position, stood the chiefs — an
inferior class of rulers, the very existence of whose
office was an anomaly in the oligarchy of the Iroquois.
The office of chief was made elective, and the reward
of merit; but without any power of descent, the title
terminating with the individual. . . . After their
election they were raised up by a council of the
nation; but a ratification by the general council of
the sachems was necessary to complete the investi-
ture. The powers and duties of the sachems and
chiefs were entirely of a civil character, and confirmed
by their organic laws to the affairs of peace."
("League of the Iroquois," pp. 62-71.) — Morgan,
ed. 1856.
142. IROQUOIS POPULATION.
(Page 170, last line.)
The Iroquois have fluctuated greatly in numbers
since the first white settlement in this country; and
414 LIFE OF
their numbers have quite generally been exaggerated.
At least this is the impression conveyed by the con-
flicting statements and estimates given in Morgan's
great work, "The League of the Iroquois." Dr.
Seaver's estimate being based on Government statis-
tics undoubtedly represents at least approximately
the numbers of the Iroquois in Mary Jemison's day,
and for the purposes of this biography that is the
important point.
In this connection may be cited the following quota-
tion from Appendix B (page 226) of "The League of
the Iroquois:"
"It is improbablethat at anytime from the establish-
ment of the League to its disruption by the Revolu-
tionary War the Iroquois numbered more than 15,000
or 16,000 souls. This was apparently the total when
they first march into history (in the earlier part of the
seventeenth century), and it is very close to the total
today. This uniformity in numbers, however, is
little more than an interesting coincidence. The
original Iroquois blood has been much diluted by
admixture of other Iroquoians, of Algonquins, and of
whites,"
Qn page 229 it is further said, "The Indians are now
lowly increasing," meaning presumably at the date of
edition, 1904. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
143. INDIAN MARRIAGE CUSTOMS.
(Page 171, line 10.)
"Marriage was not founded upon the affections,
which constitute the only legitimate basis of this
relation in civilized society, but was regulated ex-
clusively as a matter of physical necessity. It was
not even a contract between the parties to be mar-
MARY JEMISON. 415
ried; but substantially between their mothers, acting
oftentimes under the suggestions of the matrons and
wise men of the tribes to which the parties respectively
belonged. . . .
"When the mother considered her son of a suitable
age for marriage, she looked about her for a maiden,
whom, from report or acquaintance, she judged would
accord with him in disposition and temperament.
A negotiation between the mothers ensued, and a con-
clusion was speedily reached. Sometimes the near
relatives, and the elderly persons of the tribes to
which each belonged, were consulted; but their
opinions were of no avail, independently of the wishes
of the mothers themselves. Not the least singular
feature of the transaction was the entire ignorance
in which the parties remained of the pending negotia-
tion; the first information they received being the
announcement of their marriage, without, perhaps,
ever having known or seen each other. Remonstrance
or objection on their part was never attempted; they
received each other as the gift of their parents. As
obedience to them in all their requirements was in-
culcated as a paramount duty, and disobedience was
followed by disownment, the operative force of cus-
tom, in addition to these motives, was sufficient to
secure acquiescence. The Indian father never troub-
led himself concerning the marriage of his children.
To interfere would have been an invasion of female
immunities; and these, whatever they were, were
as sacredly regarded by him, as he was inflexible in
enforcing respect for his own. . . .
"From the very nature of the marriage institution
among the Iroquois, it follows that the passion of love
was entirely unknown among them. Affection after
marriage would naturally spring up between the
parties, from association, from habit, and from mu-
tual dependence; but of that marvellous passion
which originates in a higher development of the
powers of the human heart, and is founded upon a
cultivation of the affections between the sexes, they
416 LIFE OF
were entirely ignorant. In their temperaments they
were below this passion in the simplest forms.
"Attachments between individuals, or the cultiva-
tion of each other's affections before marriage, was
entirely unknown; as also were promises of marriage.
The fact that individuals were united in this relation,
without their knowledge or consent, and perhaps
without even a previous acquaintance, illustrates and
confirms this position. This invasion of the ro-
mances of the novelist, and of the conceits of the
poet, upon the attachments which sprang up in the
bosom of Indian society may, perhaps, divest the
mind of some pleasing impressions, but these are
entirely inconsistent with the marriage institution,
as it existed among them, and with the facts of their
social history." ("League of the Iroquois," pp. 320-
323.)
) ed. 2856.
144. POLYGAMY AMONG THE INDIANS.
(Page 171, line n.)
Although polygamy has prevailed to a limited ex-
tent among the Senecas in later times, it was pro-
hibited in earlier days, and considered disgraceful. —
Morgan, ed. 1856.
Major Marston, commanding officer at the U. S.
Fort Armstrong, in the North-western Territory, in
1820, in an official report to our government, relative
to the conditions, customs, religion, etc., of the
various tribes of the North-western Indians, states,
that "many of these Indians have two or three wives;
the greatest number that I have known any man
to have at one time, was five. When an Indian wants
more than one wife, he generally prefers that they be
sisters, as they are more likely to agree, and live
together in harmony. A man of fifty or sixty years
o .
MARY JEMISON. 417
old, who has two or three wives, will frequently
marry a girl of sixteen." — Interpolation by Mix, ed.
1842.
145. RELATIONS OF THE SEXES.
(Page 171, line 19.)
From all history and tradition, it would appear
that neither seduction, prostitution, nor rape, was
known in the calendar of crimes of this rude savage
race, until the females were contaminated by the
embrace of civilized men. And it is a remarkable
fact, that, among the great number of women and
girls who have been taken prisoners by the Indians
during the last two centuries, although they have
often been tomahawked and scalped, their bodies
ripped open while alive, and otherwise barbarously
tortured, not a single instance is on record, or has
ever found currency in the great stock of gossip and
story which civilized society is so prone to circulate,
that a female prisoner has ever been ill-treated,
abused, or her modesty insulted, by an Indian, with
reference to her sex. This universal trait in the
Indian character can not be wholly, if in the least,
attributed to the cold temperament of their constitu-
tions— the paucity of their animal functions, or want
of natural propensities — for polygamy is not only
tolerated but extensively indulged in, among nearly
all the North American tribes. Of this we have the
most abundant proof, not relying solely on the tes-
timony of Mrs. Jemison, who states that it was
tolerated and practiced in the Seneca nation, but on
the statements of all writers on that subject and of
all travelers and sojourners in the Indian country.
. . . On the other hand, this abstemiousness can not
4i8 LIFE OF
be attributed to the dictates of moral virtue, as that
would be in direct opposition to all their other traits
of character. And, again, no society or race of men
exists, so purely moral, but that, if there was any
crime within their power to perpetrate, to which they
were prompted by their passions, some one or more
would be guilty of committing it, if restrained by
moral virtue only.
Therefore we are driven to the conclusion, that the
young warrior has been taught and trained up from
his infancy, to subdue this passion; and to effect
that object, he has been operated upon by some dire-
ful, superstitious awe, and appalling fear of the con-
sequence of the violation of female chastity; and,
with the same anathema held to his view, taught to
avoid temptation, by demeaning himself perfectly
uninquisitive and modest, in the presence of females,
and especially female prisoners. It is not supposed
however, that great exertions are made at the present
day, to instill those prejudices, if I may be allowed
so to apply the word, into the Indian youth, for
those dicta have been so long promulgated, and
obedience thereto so rigidly enforced, through so
many generations that they have become an inborn
characteristic of the race.
We can easily perceive the policy of the ancient
founders of this precautionary branch of savage edu-
cation, and it is worthy of the paternity of a Solon.
By this precaution, jealousy, feuds, strife, and blood-
shed, are avoided among the warriors, while they are out
on their predatory excursions, stealthily seizing prison-
ers, scalps, or plunder by night, or warily and noise-
lessly winding their course through the forest by day.
— Interpolations by Mix, ed. 1842.
MARY JEMISON. 419
146. DISSOLUTION OF INDIAN MARRIAGES.
(Page 171, line 19.)
The following is an interesting account given to
Christopher Gist by Colonel Mercer, agent of the
Ohio Company, afterwards Lieutenant-Governor of
North Carolina, of a Shawnee festival in Ohio in
which Indian marriages were dissolved and husbands
were chosen by the Indian women:
"In the evening a proper officer made a public
proclamation, that all the Indian marriages were dis-
solved, and a public feast was to be held for the three
succeeding days after, in which the women (as their
custom was) were again to choose their husbands.
"The next morning early the Indians breakfasted,
and after spent the day in dancing, till the evening
when a plentiful feast was prepared; after feasting,
they spent the night in dancing.
"The same way they passed the two next days till
the evening, the men dancing by themselves, and
then the women in turns round fires, and dancing
in their manner the form of the figure 8, about 60
or 70 of them at a time. The women, the whole
time they danced, sung a song in their language, the
chorus of which was,
I am not afraid of my husband;
I will choose what man I please.
Singing those lines alternately.
"The third day, in the evening, the men, being
about 100 in number, danced in a long string, follow-
ing one another, sometimes at length, at other times
in a figure of 8 quite around the fort, and in and out
of the longhouse, where they held their councils, the
women standing together as the men danced by them;
and as any of the women liked a man passing by, she
stepped in, and joined in the dance, taking hold of
the man's stroud, whom she chose, and then con-
420 LIFE OF
tinued in the dance till the rest of the women stepped
in and made their choice in the same manner; after
which the dance ended, and they all retired to con-
summate." See PownalPs "Topographical Descrip-
tion, London," 1776, last paragraph of the work.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
147. INDIAN FUNERAL CUSTOMS.
(Page 173, line 17.)
"The religious system of the Iroquois taught that
it was a journey from earth to heaven, of many days'
duration. Originally it was supposed to be a year,
and the period of mourning for the departed was
fixed at that term. At its expiration it was cus-
tomary for the relatives of the deceased to hold a
feast — the soul of the departed having reached
heaven, and a state of felicity, there was no longer
any cause for mourning. In modern times the
mourning period has been reduced to ten days, and
the journey of the spirit is now believed to be per-
formed in three. The spirit of the deceased was sup-
posed to hover around the body for a season before
it took its final departure; and not until after the
expiration of a year, according to the ancient belief
and ten days according to the present, did it become
permanently at rest in heaven. A beautiful custom
prevailed, in ancient times, of capturing a bird, and
freeing it over the grave on the evening of the burial,
to bear away the spirit to its heavenly rest. Their
notions of the state of the soul when disembodied
are vague and diversified; but they all agree that, dur-
ing the journey, it required the same nourishment as
while it dwelt in the body. They, therefore, de-
posited beside the deceased his bow and arrows, to-
bacco and pipe, and necessary food for the journey.
They also painted the face, and dressed the body in
its best apparel. A fire was built upon the grave at
night, to enable the spirit to prepare its food. With
these tokens of affection, and these superstitious con-
MARY JEMISON. 421
cernments for the welfare of the deceased, the chil-
dren of the forest performed the burial rites of their
departed kindred." — ("League of the Iroquois," p.
174.) — Morgan, ed. 1856.
148. HURD AND PALMER'S MILL.
(Page 181, line 7.)
It appears from "The Life of William Pryor Letch-
worth" (page 43) that the original sawmill erected by
Hurd and Palmer near the Middle Fall of the three
Portage Falls in what is now Letchworth Park was
carried away by a flood and was succeeded by a more
ambitious lumbering plant which was burned on
January 23, 1858. In February of the following year,
1859, Mr. Letchworth acquired the mill-site and all
the buildings connected with it. Eight or nine years
later, according to information given by Mr. Pond
of Genesee Falls, the portions of the lumbering plant
not destroyed by the fire in 1858 were removed by the
orders of Mr. Letchworth. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
149. CHAPTER I, PART II.
(Pages 193-198.)
This chapter by Ebenezer Mix first appeared
in the edition edited by him and printed at Batavia
in 1842. It formed Chapter XVIII of recent editions.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
150. MARY JEMISON'S GENEROSITY.
(Page 194, line 26.)
The Hon. Truman L. Stone, of Sonyea, N. Y., com-
municates the following incident illustrating the gen-
erosity of Mary Jemison and her never-failing sym-
pathy for those in distress. The incident is retold by
422 LIFE OF
Mr. Stone as nearly as possible in the words of his
grandfather, Truman Stone, who was accustomed to
tell it to his children and grandchildren nearly every
Thanksgiving Day after the Thanksgiving dinner.
"The best meal of victuals I ever ate was cooked
by Mary Jemison, the White Woman of the Genesee.
A short time after I settled in Orangeville, which in
1807 was in Genesee county (now Wyoming county),
all of the grain crop of the settlers was a failure, con-
sequently, it was a year of great dearth. There was
no grain to be had; and although we had meat and
milk and some vegetables, we felt the necessity of
having bread.
"I heard that there was some corn on the Genesee
flats, twenty-five miles away, and started out on foot
with a pillow-case for a sack, to buy and bring home
some corn or wheat. I continued my journey, mak-
ing inquiries of the settlers along the road for corn
or wheat. Some had a little corn and some had a
little wheat but none to sell and not enough for their
own use. On the second day away from home, I was
traveling up the Genesee river on the Gardeau reser-
vation. Just at night, I came up to the White
Woman's cabin and asked her if she had any corn.
She replied that she had corn but none to sell. I
told her that I would give her five dollars for a bushel
of corn. Her reply was that she would not sell me a
bushel of corn for a bushel of dollars. At the same
time, she asked me if I was hungry. I told her that
I had not had anything to eat since breakfast the day
before. She invited me into the cabin, swung a
kettle over the fire and made a cake (an Indian cake
was some cracked corn wet up, a little salt added
and baked in a kettle). After the cake was done,
she broke a goose egg into the kettle and fried it, all
of which was served on a wooden platter or plate.
Then she invited me to eat, which I did, and it was
the best dinner I ever ate.
"While I was eating, the White Woman went up
MARY JEMISON. 423
the log stairs to the attic and brought down the
pillow-case full of shelled corn. I offered to pay her
for it but she said, 'No, I will take no pay. Take
this to your starving family.' When I started for
home, it was dark, I took the corn and carried it
home, twenty-five miles away, that night, and we
had corn bread for a few days. Then our wheat
ripened and we had plenty ever after."
The story just recited, so interesting and so spiritu-
ally exalting, was communicated to Mr. Letchworth
and in his acknowledgment, dated Glen Iris, January
29, 1900, Mr. Letchworth promised to use it when a
fitting occasion occurred. To redeem this promise by
Mr. Letchworth is now the object of the Reviser.
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
151. INSCRIPTION ON MONUMENT.
(Page 195, line 27.)
To make the inscription correspond with facts as-
certained since the inscription was chiseled, read:
"Born, 1743; abducted, 1758; removed to Genesee
River, 1762; aged, ninety years." — Reviser, ed. 1918.
152. A REMINISCENCE OF THE JEMISONS.
(Page 197, line 24.)
"The author, in his boyhood, has often seen the
'White Woman/ as she was uniformly called by the
early settlers; and remembers well the general esteem
in which she was held. Notwithstanding she had one
son who was a terror to Indians as well as to the
early white settlers, she has left many descendants
who are not unworthy of her good name. Jacob
Jemison, a grandson of hers, received a liberal educa-
tion, passed through a course of medical studies, and
was appointed assistant surgeon in the United States
424 LIFE OF
Navy. He died on board of his ship in the Mediter-
ranean." ("Turner's Hist, of the Holland Pur-
chase," p. 295.) — Morgan, ed. 1856.
153. CHAPTER II, PART II.
(Pages 198-207.)
This chapter, by Hon. William Clement Bryant of
Buffalo, first appeared in the edition printed at
Buffalo in 1877. It formed Chapter XIX of recent
editions. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
154. WILLIAM CLEMENT BRYANT.
(Page 198, line 2.)
William Clement Bryant was born in Holley,
Orleans County, N. Y., December 21, 1830, and died
in Buffalo, September 2, 1898. He had a fine per-
sonal character, and a genial, kindly disposition, and
in his profession as a lawyer he had the reputation
for learning. For many years he was counsel for the
Western Savings Bank of Buffalo, and had among his
clients many prominent citizens whom he advised
as to their wills and estates. With a comfortable
competency, he had much leisure to read and study
and take interest in matters outside his profession.
He had a special penchant for local history and Indian
affairs, and on account of the latter was esteemed by
the Indians of the Alleghany, Cattaraugus, and Tus-
carora reservations as a particular friend. He was
adopted by the Senecas and given the name of Da-
gis-ta-ga-na, the burning fire, and by the Mohawks
who called him Ky-o-wil-la (meaning lost). He was
president of the Buffalo Historical Society from
January, 1876, to January, 1877. He was a great
lover of nature and of scenery like that of Niagara
MARY JEMISON. 425
Falls and Letchworth Park, and shared Dr. Letch-
worth's views as to the use to which such scenery
should be put for the benefit of the people. — Reviser,
ed. 1918.
155. THOMAS JEMISON.
(Page 201, line 17.)
On November 12, 1913, Mr. Frank H. Severance,
librarian of the Buffalo Historical Society Library,
wrote to the Reviser: "Ulysses J. Kennedy of Irving,
N. Y., 'Buffalo Tom's* grandson, informs me that his
grandfather, Thomas Jemison, died September 3,
1878."— Reviser, ed. 1918.
156. THOMAS JEMISON'S HOUSE.
(Page 202, last line.)
Mr. Jemison's dwelling-house is still standing in a
good state of preservation near Mt. Morris, and is
cherished as an honored landmark. — Letchworth, ed.
1877.
The same may be said at the present time. —
Reviser, ed. 1918.
157. THE JEMISON ORCHARD.
(Page 205, line 13.)
Besides other varieties of choice fruit, Mr. Jemison's
orchard embraces more than three hundred bearing
apple trees. — Letchworth, ed. 1877.
158. CHAPTER III, PART II.
(Pages 208-212.)
This chapter by Mrs. Asher Wright first appeared
in the edition published at Buffalo in 1877. In an
instructive and entertaining book entitled "Our Life
28
426 LIFE OF
Among the Iroquois Indians," by Harriet S. Caswell,
may be found an account of the efforts and sacrifices
made by this noble woman and her devoted husband
for the elevation of the Indians on the Buffalo and
Cattaraugus reservation. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
159. MRS. JEMISON'S CONVERSION.
(Page 212, line 25.)
Mary Jemison removed from Gardeau to the Buf-
falo Creek Reservation, according to the best of my
recollection, in the summer of 1831. My first ac-
quaintance with her was in the following summer.
She v/as then quite decrepit and feeble, but quite
talkative and generally, when I saw her, appeared
cheerful. My conversation was generally upon the
subject of religion, of which she seemed to have very
confused and indistinct ideas. At first she seemed
indignant * that I should speak of her as a sinner
who stood in need of Divine mercy. She seemed to
suppose she had never been guilty of a single sin. In
a few months, however, it was very apparent that
with increasing light upon the nature of Christianity,
her views of herself were radically changed. She saw
she needed help from God, and appeared to seek it in
humble, earnest prayer; and in the summer of 1833
she gave as satisfactory evidence of conversion as
could reasonably be expected from a person in her
circumstances. — Rev. Asher Wright, in ed. 1840.
* Mens sibi conscia recti. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
160. CHAPTER IV, PART II.
(Pages 213-227.)
The first part of this chapter, by William Pryor
Letchworth, LL.D., first appeared in the edition
MARY JEMISON. 427
printed at New York in 1898. A few lines have been
inserted by the Reviser of the 1918 edition to make
a little clearer the quotations from the Gettysburg
Compiler. The latter part of the chapter, by Edward
Hagaman Hall, L.H.D., referring to the place of
Mary Jemison's capture, first appears in the 1918
edition. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
161. CHAPTER V, PART II.
(Pages 228-242.)
The portion of this chapter by William Pryor Letch-
worth on pages 228-234 concerning the interment of
Mary Jemison and the removal of her remains to
Letchworth Park first appeared in the edition printed
at Buffalo in 1877. In that and subsequent editions
it comprised Appendices I, II, and III. The portion
of this chapter by Mr. Letchworth on pages 235-236
concerning the erection of the marble monument first
appeared in the edition printed at New York in 1898.
In that, and subsequent editions, it was Appendix IV.
It superseded another Appendix IV by Ebenezer Mix
which appeared in the 1877 edition. The portion of
this chapter on pages 236-242 concerning the Council
House Grounds and the bronze statue, by Charles
Delamater Vail, first appears in this edition of 1918. —
Reviser, ed. 1918.
l62. MlLLARD FlLLMORE.
(Page 234. line 37-)
Honorable Millard Fillmore. — Letchworth, ed. 1877.
Millard Fillmore was the thirteenth President of
the United States. He was born in Summer Hill,
N. Y., February 7, 1800, and died in Buffalo, N. Y.,
428 LIFE OF
March 7, 1874. See Chamberlain's "Biography of
Fillmore" (1856) and the article by Gen. James Grant
Wilson in "Appleton's Cyclopedia of American
Biography" (1887).— Reviser, ed. 1918.
163. CHAPTER VI, PART II.
(Pages 243-250.)
This chapter appears for the first time in the edition
of 1918. — Reviser y ed. 1918.
164. WILLIAM HOLLAND SAMSON.
(Page 243, line 2.)
Dr. Edward Hagaman Hall furnishes the following
biographical note:
"William Holland Samson was an editorial writer
on 'The Rochester, N. Y., Post-Express* from 1881
to 1911, during the last five years of that period being
managing editor. In October, 1911, he moved to
New York City where he became Vice President of
the Anderson Galleries. He died June 24, 1917, aged
57 years, and was buried in his native town of Le Roy,
N. Y. His most notable editorial works outside of
the columns of 'The Post-Express' were 'The Private
Journal of Aaron Burr/ 'Letters from George Wash-
ington to Tobias Lear/ and 'Letters from Zachary
Taylor from the Battlefields of the Mexican War/
During his residence in Rochester he devoted a large
amount of time to the study of local history and the
accumulation of a library. His collection of prints,
engravings, autographs, maps, pamphlets and books
concerning the Indians of Western New York and the
settlement and development of the region by the
whites was the largest ever formed in that part of
the United States by a single individual. A bio-
graphical notice of Mr. Samson was printed in 'The
Rochester Post-Express* of June 25, 1917."
— Reviser •, ed. ipi8.
MARY JEMISON. 429
165. CHAPTER VII, PART II.
(Pages 251-263.)
This chapter was added by Ebenezer Mix, Esq. —
Morgan, ed. 1856.
This chapter by Mr. Mix first appeared in the edi-
tion printed at Batavia in 1842, and since then has
been printed as Chapter V. In the present edition
this interpolation has been taken out of a place in
which it did not belong and is here put among the
additions to the original story. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
166. LITTLE BEARD'S TOWN.
(Page 251, line 8.)
The name of Little Beard's Town was De-o-nun'-
da-ga-a, signifying Where the hill is near. It was situ-
ated upon the west side of the Genesee Valley, imme-
diately in front of Cuylerville. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
167. CANASERAGA CREEK.
(Page 252, last line.)
The name by which this creek and the village of
Dansville is now known to the Senecas is, Ga-nus-ga-
go, signifying among the milkweed. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
The name of the creek is now spelled Canaseraga. —
Reviser, ed. 1918.
168. CANANDAIGUA.
(Page 253, line 23.)
Ga-nunf-da-gwa, a place selected for a settlement, is
the present spelling and pronunciation of this name. —
Morgan, ed. 1856.
430 LIFE OF
169. SILVER LAKE.
(Page 258, line 12.)
Gd-na'-yat. Its signification is lost. — Morgan, ed.
1856.
170. MOUNT MORRIS.
(Page 258, line 30.)
The name of Mount Morris in the Seneca dialect
was So-no'-jo-wan-ga. This was the name of Big
Kettle, an orator not less distinguished among the
Senecas than Red Jacket himself. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
171. BIG TREE VILLAGE.
(Page 259, line 25.)
The word Gd-un-do-wd-na, which was the name of
this village, signifies a big tree. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
172. CANNEWAGUS.
(Page 259, line 28.)
The Iroquois still retain their geographical names
with great fidelity. As their proper names are de-
scriptive, they still form a part of their language.
Wherever an American village sprang up on one of
their known localities the name of the old village was
immediately transferred to the new, and down to the
present time the Iroquois still call them by their
original names. Thus Ga^no-wan-ges, signifying
Stinking Water. The name of this Indian village was
transferred to Avon, by which it is still known among
them. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
MARY JEMISON. 431
1 73- SQUAWKIE HILL VILLAGE.
(Page 261, line 24.)
Da-yo'-it-ga-o, the name of this village, means
Where the river issues from the hills. It describes the
place where the Genesee river emerges from between
two narrow walls of rock, and enters the broad valley
of the Genesee. This valley, separating itself from
the river at this point, extends up to Dansville, and
the Caneseraga creek flows through it. — Morgan, ed.
1856.
Mr. Arthur C. Parker, in a recent address at
Squawkie Hill, said: "The name Squawkie is said to
be derived from the tribal name, Muskwaki, meaning
red earth, whom we recognize as the Fox Indians be-
fore their affiliation with the Sac or Sauk." — Reviser,
ed. 1918.
174. CHAPTER VIII, PART II.
(Pages 264-273.)
This chapter by Lewis H. Morgan first appeared in
the edition of "The Life of Mary Jemison" printed
at Auburn in 1856. It is taken from Morgan's
famous work, "The League of the Iroquois." It
formed Appendix VI of the 1913 edition. — Reviser, ed.
1918.
175. GAHUNDA AND TECARNEODI.
(Page 264, table.)
Gd-hun'-da and Te-car-ne-o-di' are common nouns,
signifying, the former, a river, or creek, and the latter,
a lake. They are always affixed by the Iroquois, in
speaking, to the name itself. — Morgan, ed. 1856.
432 LIFE OF
176. CHAPTER IX, PART II.
(Pages 274-293.)
This chapter on the bibliography of "The Life of
Mary Jemison" appears for the first time in this
edition of 1918. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
177. "AUTHOR AND FINISHER."
(Page 289, line 24.)
The expression in the Bible is, "looking to Jesus,
the Author and Finisher of our faith " — that is to say,
the beginning and the end, or the all-comprehending
source of our faith. Mr. Mix evidently missed the
significance of Dr. Seaver's allusion. — Reviser, ed. 1918.
178. TABLE OF EPOCHAL YEARS.
In a final review of the life of Mary Jemison certain
years stand out as epochal in her career, and with a
recapitulation of them this work may fittingly be
brought to a close:
1743: Mary Jemison s Birth. In the formative
period, 1743-1758, of Mary Jemison's character the
dominant factor seems to have been not so much the
character of her father as the character of her mother.
In the indescribable crisis of abduction with which
this formative period closes Mary Jemison's story of
it is so incisive and illuminative that the repetition
of the story verbatim is called for. "Mother," so run
Mary's words, "from the time we were taken had
manifested a great degree of fortitude and encouraged
us to support our troubles without complaining, and
by her conversation seemed to make the distance and
time shorter, and the way more smooth. But father
lost all his ambition in the beginning of our trouble,
MARY JEMISON. 433
and continued apparently lost to every care — ab-
sorbed in melancholy. Here, as before, she insisted
on the necessity of our eating; and we obeyed her,
but it was done with heavy hearts," etc., etc. In
other words, in this great drama, Mary Jemison's
mother, in her every act and utterance, exemplified
the height of wisdom, courage, and self-command to
which an inspired sense of parental duty can obtain.
1758: Mary Jemison s Abduction. Evokes for
Mary Jemison the activities of her life as a woman:
Marriage, Motherhood, Birth, and Death of Children —
a series of incredibly extraordinary experiences, borne
in a spirit absolutely unique. However heavy the
blow to the feelings (page 121) a masterful recovery
of self-poise soon ensued. But in a way, more re-
markable, as a result of her abduction, Mary Jemison's
adoption into an Indian family brings to her an
Indian mother, sisters, and brothers of very superior
character. The Indian adopted mother figures in
Mary Jemison' s life as a fitting representative of her
own mother.
1763: Peace of Paris, February 10. Ends the
French and Indian War and makes possible the re-
covery of personal freedom by captives held by
Indians. But, inexplicably to many, Mary Jemison
does not become an applicant. On the other hand,
after the Revolutionary War (1783) she elects to spend
the remainder of her days with her Indian friends.
1797: Big Tree Treaty. The Treaty of Big Tree
(September 15) made Mary Jemison one of the ex-
tensive landowners of the Genesee Valley. The gift
was arranged through Mary Jemison's adopted Indian
brother, Kaujisestaugeau (page 93), and embraced
17,927 acres known as The Gardeau Reservation.
434 LIFE OF
1817: Naturalization. On the 9th of April, 1817,
an act was passed by the Legislature of the State of
New York for the naturalization of Mary Jemison
and ratifying and confirming the title of her land
(page 136).
1823: Publication of " The Life of Mary Jemison'9
On the suggestion of the citizens of the Genesee
Valley "The Life of Mary Jemison" was prepared
(1823) and published (1824) by James Everett
Seaver, M.D., from dictation by Mary Jemison, to
preserve to them an intimate record of Mary Jemison's
life.
1833: Mary Jemison's Death, September 19. Re-
ceived Christian burial in graveyard of Seneca Mis-
sion Church, Buffalo Creek Reservation, though al-
most to the day of her death she was a conscientious
member of the pagan party (page 159) among the
Senecas. A marble slab was placed to mark the spot.
18^4: Reinterment of Mary Jemison's Remains.
Remains exhumed at Buffalo and reinterred March 7
in the Indian Council House grounds at Letchworth
Park. The erection of a marble monument marks
recognition by the great philanthropist, William
Pryor Letchworth, of the value to the public of the
life and history of Mary Jemison.
igio: Dedication of Bronze Statue. The bronze
statue of Mary Jemison erected by William Pryor
Letchworth on the marble monument at the grave
in the Council House Grounds was dedicated Sep-
tember 19. To give to the world a permanent and
speaking likeness of a great and good woman, art
has achieved in this work one of its signal successes.
1918: Definitive Edition of "The Life of Mary
Jemison'9 Wherein is sought to make complete and
MARY JEMISON. 43$
trustworthy the record of this woman, of whom Dr.
Seaver said in his original Introduction (page xiv):
"Her neighbors speak of her as possessing one of
the happiest tempers and dispositions, and give her
the name of never having done a censurable act to
their knowledge."
— Reviser, ed. 1918.
GA-NUH'-SA, OR SEA-SHELL MEDAL
INDEX
[In the following index Indian customs, councils, treaties, etc.,
are indexed directly under their proper titles without the prefix
"Indian." An asterisk * indicates a reference to the origin or
meaning of a personal or a place name.]
Abeel, Christopher J., 397.
Abeel, John, 397; see also O'Bail.
Adams, Edward D., b.
Adler, Elmer, n, 275, 276, 293.
Adoption of captives, 37, 38,
331-339- .
Agnew, Daniel, 324, 340.
Akron, 265.*
Alabama, N. Y., 265.*
Albany, 273.*
Albion, 267.*
Alexander, N. Y., 265.*
Allegany, 32,* 127.
Allegany County Indian names,
266.
Allegany Reservation, 201.
Allegany River, 170, 264.*
Allegany village, 265.*
Allen, Ebenezer, 79 et seq.y 129,
282, 283, 284, 398, 399.
Allen, Indian, 201.
Allen, Lucy, 88, 89, 91.
Allen, Morilla, 89, 91, 399.
Allen, Orlando, 247, 248.
Allen, Sally, 88, 89, 90.
Aliens Creek, 87, 88, 265.*
Allman, T. and J., 278.
American Museum of Natural
History, 240, 327.
American Scenic and Historic
Preservation Society, b, c, d, n,
236, 237, 241, 242, 290, 293,
298, 302, 312, 328, 381.
Amsterdam Creek, 272.*
Andre, Major John, 298.
Andrews, Mr., 87.
Angelica, 266.*
Apulia, 269.*
Arendtsville, 214, 224.
Atlantic Ocean, 273.*
Attica, 265.*
Auburn, 269,* 301.
Aurora, 268.*
Avery, G. A., 287.
Avon, 266,* 430.*
Ayer, Edward E., collection, 275,
293-
Baby-board, 369; illustration
facing 232.
Baby-carrying, 368, 369.
Bad Spirit, 409.*
Bailey, Liberty H., b, 241.
Baker, William, 276, 277.
Banister, Daniel W., ix.
Barbarities of the Indians, at
Shawnee town, 35; on San-
dusky Creek, 49, 50; at
Genishau, 56; to Boyd, 76,
I49> 392-395; by Hiokatoo,
105 ft seq.; during Sullivan's
raid, 1^5; in Indian wars, 330.
Barbarities of the Spaniards and
others, 393-395-
Bard, Richard, 321, 322.
Barker, Saxton & Co., 286, 293.
Bark house, illustration, 294.
Batavia, 260, 265,* 299.
Bath, 268.*
Bay Creek, 271.*
Beard's Creek, 156.
Beard's Town, 73, 78, 155,
438
INDEX
174; see also Little Beard's
Town.
Beauchamp, William M., w, 319,
320, 329, 334, 336, 343, 344,
363, 376, 378. 379> 380, 39i,
395,401,402,403.
Beaver River, 271.*
Belt, illustration, 250.
Bemis, James EX, ii, 276, 277,
292; biographical note, 303.
Bend village, 265.*
Benedict, H. H., b.
Bennett, Carlenia, 241, 242, illust.
opp. 416.
Benton, Nathaniel S., 389.
Berry, Jack, 78.
Bibliography of "The Life of
Mary Jemison," 274-293, 432;
facsimiles of title-pages facing
J, 16, 32.
Bjg Kettle, 430.*
Big Salmon Creek, 270.*
Big Tree (place), 62, 90, 94,
202, 259, 266,* 346, 388, 430.*
Big Tree (Captain Pollard), 245,
247.
Binghamton, 272.*
Bishop, Caroline, «, 304, 311,
illust. opp. 416.
Bishop, D. W., 233, 234.
Black Chief, 130.
Black Creek, 265,* 266.*
Black Lake, 271.*
Black River, 271.*
Black Rock, 265.*
Bleakney, James, 216, 221.
Bleakney, Robert, 213.
Bleakney, Mrs. Robert, 213, 214,
216, 221.
Blood-revenge, 331.
Bloomfield, 134.
Boardman, Alice, n.
Bolton, Reginald P., b.
Boon (Boone), Capt., 107, 405.
Bossart, John W., 322.
Bounty for recovery of captives,
58, 384-387-
Bouquet, Col., 316, 384, 385.
Boyd, Thomas (erroneously
called William), 72, 73, 149,
150, 152-156, 282, 392.
Boyd, William, see Thomas
Boyd.
Brackenridge, H. H., 406.
Bradbury & Evans, 285.
Bradctock's defeat, 106, 311.
Brady, Samuel, 223, 405.
Brandt, Col., see Brant.
Brant, Col., 68, 154, 155.
Bregner, Peter, 222.
Bridgman, Herbert L., b.
Brockport, 267.*
Brock's monument, 273.*
Brooks, Micah, 134-137, 138,
244, 245, 246.
Brown, Longman, etc., 278, 292.
Brundridge, Levi, 129.
Bryant, William Clement, bio-
graphical note, 424*~425;
mentioned, c, 198, 243, 248,
249, 287, 290, 328, 424.
Bryant & Matthews Bros., 288,
293.
Buchanan, James, 225.
Buchanan Valley, 213, 215, 216,
220, 224.
Buck, Robert, 214, 216, 225, 310,
3«-
Buck, William (Robert), 216.
Buckinjehillish, 177.
Buck Tooth's town, 262.
Buffalo, 73, 93, 100, 102, 127,
143, 199, 203, 228, 247, 265,*
301, 302.
Buffalo Commercial Advertiser,
233, 287.
Buffalo Courier, 232.
Buffalo Creek Reservation, 194,
203, 208, 247, 248, 249, 260,
265*, 279, 426, 434.
Buffalo Flats, 194.
Buffalo Historical Society, n, 275,
278, 287, 293, 319, 338, 368,
385, 424, 425.
Buffalo Morning Express, 288. >
Buffalo Tom, see Thomas Jemi-
son.
Burlingham, Benjamin, 233, 234.
Burlington Bay, 273.*
Burr, Aaron, 428
Burton, 264.*
Burton Creek, 264.*
INDEX
439
Bush-Brown, Henry K., &, 238,
239, 241, 327.
Butler, Col. John, 67, 68, 78, 154,
155; see also Butler's Rangers.
Butler's Rangers, 151, 154, 155;
see also Col. John Butler.
Butterfield & Miller, 279, 280,
292.
Caledonia, 266.*
Camden, 272.*
Camillus, 270.*
Campbell, George, 222.
Campbell, Mrs. Jane, 391.
Canaahtua, 44, 344-345, 360.
Canadawa Creek, 264.*
Canajoharie, 272.*
Canajoharie Creek, 272.*
Canandaigua (Cahnandahgwah),
67, 253, 268,* 303, 392, 429.*
Canandaigua Lake, 70, 152, 157,
261, 268.*
Canandaigua Outlet, 268.*
Canaseraga Creek (Cannis-
krauga, Canneskraugah, Can-
eseraga, etc.), 252,* 253,* 261,*
266,* 272,* 429,* 43 1.
Candice Lake, 261.
Caneadea, 53, 100, 130, 232, 237,
255, 256, 261, 266,* 302, 367,*
Caneadea Creek, 266.*
Canestota, 272.*
Canisteo, 130.
Canisteo River, 268.*
Cannewagus, 259, 430.*
Canoga, 268,* 269.*
Canton, Simon, 116.
Captivities, Indian, 335.
Carlisle, delivery of prisoners,
385-
Carrol, Major, 138, 246.
Carrying Place Village, 265.*
Caryville, 265.*
Cassadaga Creek, 264.*
Cassadaga Lake, 264.*
Caswell, Harriet S., 426.
Cat Indians, 381.
Catawba Creek, 73, 395.*
Catawba (Cotawpe) Indians,
105, 106, 404.
Cattaraugus, 67, 127, 134, 264.*
Cattaraugus County Indian
names, 264-265.
Cattaraugus Creek, 264.*
Cattaraugus Reservation, 194,
198, 201, 203, 228, 233, 287,
338.
Cattaraugus River, 170, 260.
Cattaraugus Village, 260, 265.*
Cattle, first on Genesee flats, 56,
383.
Caughnawaga Indians, 335.
Caugwaga Creek, 265.*
Cautega, 67, 391.*
Cayuga Bridge, 268.*
Cayuga County history, 370.
Cayuga Creek, 265.*
Cayuga Indians, 170, 263, 324;
their place-names, 268-269.
Cayuga Lake, 268*, 401.
Cazenovia, 272.*
Cazenovia Creek, 265.*
Cazenovia Lake, 272.*
Chamberlain, biographer of Fill-
more, 428.
Chambersburg Valley Spirit, 314.
Chandler, Mrs. Porter, 304.
Chartier, Peter, 339.
Chautauqua County Indian
names, 264.
Chautauqua Creek, 264.*
Chautauqua Lake, 264.*
Chemung County Indian names,
268.
Chemung River, 268.*
Chenango County Indian names,
272.
Chenango River, 272.*
Chenashunggantan (Teushun-
ushungautau), 262; see Cheu-
ashunggautau.
Cherokee Indians, 53, 105, 106,
H7> 3io» 372.
Cherry Valley, 67, 107, 352, 390,
391-
Cheuashunggautau, 53, 367.
Child-birth customs, 355.
Chippeway, 273.*
Chittenango, 272.*
Chittenango Creek, 272.*
Chongo, George, see Shongo.
440
INDEX
Christian Hollow, 270.*
Chronology of the Indians, 176-
177.
Church, Judge, 255.
Churchill, John C, 390.
Clarence Hollow, 265.*
Clarksville, 105, 404.
Clinton, 271.*
Clinton, James, 150.
Clute, Jellis, Esq., 126, 129, 135,
I36> !37» I38> I94» 244, 246.
Clute, Thomas, x, 135-138, 245,
246.
Clute, William, 245.
Clyde River, 269.*
Cobus Hill, 273.*
Cohoes Falls, 273.*
Colden, Cadwalader, 376, 377.
Cold Spring Creek, 262.
Cole, Francis, 214, 220, 223.
Cole, James, C., 224.
Cole, Timothy, 287.
Conesus (Connessius) Lake, 70,
73, 152, 261, 266.*
Conesus Outlet, 266.*
Conewago Creek, 221, 222, 224,
225,226,308,321; illustration
facing 112.
Conewango River, 264.*
Congressional Library, 293.
Conhocton, 86.
Conhocton River, 268.*
Connessius Lake, see Conesus
Lake.
Conococheague Creek, 321.
Conover, George S. (Hywesaus),
337, 338,* 392, 408.
Conowongo Creek, 52, 366,
Converse, Harriet M., 338, 339.
Cooper, John M., 314.
Cooperstown, 273.*
Corbett, John, 397.
Cornell University, 241, 318.
Corn harvest feast, 164, 409.
Corn-husk bottle, illustration,
212.
Cornplanter (young John
O'Bail), great Indian chief, 77,
78, 179, 247, 248, 262, 397,
398; portrait facing 312.
Cornplanter (old John O'Bail),
76, 77, 78.
Cornplanter's Village, 273.*
Coronelli, cartographer, 382.
Cortland, 269.*
Coshocton, 373.
Cotawpe Indians, see Catawba
Indians.
Council House from Caneadea,
illustration facing 240.
Councils, at Big Tree, 62, 93, 94,
202, 346; at German Flats, 65,
66, 389; at Oswego, 65, 66,
390; on Thomas Jemison's
murder, 100; at Logstown,
324; at Moscow, 138, 246; at
Pittsburgh, 341; see also
Treaties.
Courtships of the Senecas, 171,
see also Marriage customs.
Cradle-board, see Baby-board.
Craig Colony, n.
Cramer, Zadoc, 318, 320.
Crawford, William, 108-113,405.
Credulity of the Senecas, 173-
175-
Creek Indians, 117.
Croghan, George, 339, 341.
Crooked Lake, 268.*
Crooked Lake Outlet, 268.*
Cross Creek, 356, 357.
Cross Hills, 1 80.
Cross Lake, 270.*
Cuming, F., 319, 327.
Cunningham, G., 280, 292.
Cusick, Albert, 319, 380.
Cuyler, 254.
Cuylerville, 369, 429.
Dances of the Senecas, 167-169,
411.
Dansville, 261, 266.*
Darien, 266.*
Darien Center, 298.
Darling, Susan P., illust. opp.
416.
Darling, Thomas, 337.
Dartmouth College, 102.
Daugherty (Dougherty), Capt.,
107, 405.
Daugherty, Samuel, 405.
INDEX
441
David, Capt., an Indian, 107.
Davis, Giles, 233, 234.
Dayodehokto, 267.*
Dearborn, Henry A. S., 368.
Deep Spring, 270.*
Deer Creek, 271.*
Deganawideh, 317.
Dehgewanus (Dickewamis, Deh-
hewamis), Mary Jamison's
Indian name, 37,* 38,* 57,
199,* 283, 328,* 329.*
Dehhewamis (Mary Jemison),
see Dehgewanus.
Delavan, D. Bryson, b.
Delaware Indians, 43, 44, 52, 90,
91, 324, 325, 334* 336, 342, 360.
Delaware River, 273.
De Nonville, Marquis, 377, 379.
De Trench River, 90, 91.
De Villiers, Coulon, 309.
Devil's Hole, 55, 145-149, 260,
282, 288, 383, 384, 408.
Dewey, D. M., i, 286, 289, 292.
Dickewamis, Mary Jemison's
Indian name, see Dehgewanus.
Dillon, John F., 223-226.
Dillon, Mrs. John F., 224.
Divorce among the Indians, 419-
420.
Dix, Gov. John A., 301.
Doctor, an Indian, 128 et stq.
Donaldson & Woodland, 280, 292.
Donehogaweh, see Ely S. Parker.
Donehoo, George P., n, 315, 321,
323, 339» 345> 366, 404, 406.
Dougherty (Daugherty), Capt.,
107, 405.
Dow, Charles M., b, 239, 241,
illust. opp. 416.
Dow, Mrs. Charles M., illust.
opp. 416.
Dreams, belief in, 130, 173.
Drunkenness, 48, 87, 98, 99, 102,
128, 141, 142, 408.
Dudley, H. A., 241.
Dunkirk, 264.*
East Canada Creek, 272.*
Eclipse of Sun, superstition, 178.
Edmund's Swamp, 322-323.
Eighteen Mile Creek, 265,* 267.*
29
Elbridge, 270.*
Ellicott Creek, 265.*
Ellicottville, 264.*
Elmira, 268.*
Emerick, Frederick A., b.
Erie, 273.*
Erie County Indian names, 265.
Erwin, Jane, mother of Mary
Jemison, 18, 196, 215, 304;
see also Mrs. Thomas Jemison.
Evans & Bradbury, 285.
Everett, Andrew, 298.
Everett, Edward, 298.
Everett, I^inus S., 146, 147, 149.
Everett, Polly (Mrs. William
Seaver), 298.
Fall Brook, 53, 58, 76, 96.
Falls Village, 265.*
Family Government of Senecas,
171.
Farly, Mother, 90.
Farmer's Brother, 94, 104.
Farming by the Indians, 175,
176.
Fayetteville, 270.*
Festivals of the Indians, 163;
thanksgiving, 163, 409; plant-
ing, 164, 409; green corn, 164,
409; harvest, 164, 409; white
dog, 164-167, 409-411; maple,
409; strawberry, 409.
Fields, Mr., 25, 30.
Fillmore, Millard, 427-428.
Fish Creek, 271.*
Five Nations, history, 376.
Flint Creek,«?268.*
Flying Feathers, 240.
Fonda, 272.*
Forbes, General, 341.
Fort Armstrong, 416.
Fort Augusta, 405.
Fort Brewerton, 270.*
Fort Canagojigge, see Fort Cono-
cocheague.
Fort Chambers, 315, 321.
Fort Conococheague (Canago-
jigge), 26, 3 14-3 1 5, 322; see
also Fort McCord.
Fort Conowongo, 53.
Fort Duquesne, see Fort Pitt.
442
INDEX
Fort Erie, 300, 375.
Fort Freeland, 106, 404-405.
Fort Frontenac, 379.
Fort Hunter, 272.*
Fort Ligonier, 322.
Fort Littleton, 321.
Fort Loudon, 313, 3 15.
Fort Machault, 366.
Fort McCord, 315, 321, 322,
323; see also Fort Conoco-
cheague.
Fort Neagaw, see Fort Niagara.
Fort Necessity, 21, 123, 309.
Fort Niagara (Neagaw), 55, 67,
68, 78, 82, 146-147, 248, 260,
375, 378, 380, 383, 384-
Fort Oswego, 390.
Fort Pitt (Duquesne), 32, 38, 41,
42,46,313,316,321,323,325,
340-341, 357-
Fort Plain, 77, 272.*
Fort Schlosser (Sclusser), 55, 146,
147, 260.
Fort Schuyler, 392.
Fort Sclusser, see Fort Schlosser.
Fort Stanwix, vii, 68, 77, 392.
Fox Indians, 431.
Fraser, John, 366.
Free Ferry, 53.
French Creek, 52, 366, 374.
French War, 63, 388, 389.
Frissell, Algernon S., b.
Funeral customs of Senecas, 172-
173, 420-421.
Furniss, Frederick H., 338.
Gahunda, 431.*
Galbrahh, C. B., n.
Gallatin, Albert, 325.
Ganagarahhare, 366.
Ganehdaontweh, 344.
Ganowauges, 266.*
Gaoundowahnah (Big Tree), 247.
Gardeau (Gardow), 59, 74, 79,
82, 84, 95 * et seq.y 129, 136,
138, 180, 232, 233, 236, 237,
246, 255, 257, 266,* 279, 287,
351, 402,* 403, 406, 422, 426,
433; illustrations facing 256,
272, 280, 288, 304.
Gardow, see Gardeau.
Gardow, nickname for Hiokatoo,
62, 95.
Garoga Creek, 272.*
Gauntlet, running the, 336-337.
Gawgushshawga, 50,* 365,* 372,
Genesee (Genishau), it 49, 51,*
53,55»56,77,79,96, 145,251,
254*, 255*, 365,* 367, 368,*
369, 371-374, 383-.
Genesee County Indian names,
265.
Genesee Falls (Rochester) 87,
259-
Genesee Flats, 89, 156, 407;
first neat cattle, 56, 383.
Genesee River, i, /, xiii, 51, 79,
90, 127, 138, 143, 155, 156,
178, 193, 208, 219, 231, 236-
242, 246, 251 et seq.y 266,* 302;
described, 180, 181, 255.
Geneseo, 53, 156, 202, 266,* 369,
388.
Geneva, «, 268,* 338; see also
Kanadesaga.
Genishau, see Genesee.
Genundewah, 157,* 159, 409.*
Geographical names, see Names.
German Flats, 64, 65, 150, 389.
Gettysburg, 220-227, 307, 308,
321.
Gettysburg Compiler, «, 213, 214,
2l6, 220, 221, 223, 304, 311,
4330, 427.
Gibson, Henry B., 138, 194, 246.
Gilbert, Barnhart, 223.
Ginisaga, 87.*
Ginseng, 87.
Gist, Christopher, 357, 374, 419.
Golden Creek, 267.*
Gordon, Harry, 357.
Gorham, Nathaniel, 138, 246.
Gospel Advocate, 299.
Government of the Indians, 169-
170, 4II-4I3-
Grammatical usage, 302, 303.
Grand Island, 265,* 271.*
Grand River, 273.*
Grandondawe, chief, 342.
Great Hill, 157.
Great Meadows battle, 21, 309.
INDEX
443
Great Slide, xiii, 127, 138, 180,
257-
Great Spirit (Nauwaneu), 161,
162, 163, 166.
Great Valley Creek, 264.*
Greckler, Peter, 222.
Green, Billy, Mary Jemison's
son-in-law, 143.
Green, Mrs. Billy, see Nancy
Jemison.
Green corn feast, 164, 409.
Green Grasshopper (Indian
chief), 343, 344.
Green, John, Mary Jemison s
son-in-law, 144.
Green, Longman, etc., 278, 292.
Green, Mildred, 289.
Gregory Henry E., b.
Gregory, Morilla, see Morilla
Allen.
Grindstone Creek, 270.*
Groveland, 150, 156.
Gurty, Simon, 109, 112, 113.
Guyandot River, 358, 359.
Guyusuday, chief, 342.
Hale, Horatio, 319.
Hall, Edward Hagaman, b, m, n,
239, 241, 290, 298, 299, 300,
301, 312, 380, 381, 382, 427,
428, illust. opp. 416.
Halsey, Francis W., b.
Hamilton, 272,* 273,*
Handsome Lake, 207, 354.
Harbaugh, Henry, 223.
Harbaugh, Yost, 223.
Harper & Brothers, d, 293.
Harriman, Mrs. Edward H., b.
Hartman, Samuel, 214.
Hasket Creek, 265.*
Hatch, Israel T., 245.
Hawkins, Captain, 405.
Hayden & Holmes, 301.
Heckwelder, John, 320.
Hemlock Lake, 152, 261, 266.*
Hemlock Outlet, 266,* 268.*
Henderson's Flats, 152.
Hennepin, Louis, 379, 382.
Herkimer, 272.*
Hewitt, J. N. B., 326, 329, 333,
336, 379, 400.
Hiawatha, 317.
Hiokatoo, Mary Jemison's sec-
ond husband, 62, 80, 83, 95,
98, 280, 282, 283, 284, 346,
348,364,372,403; biography,
103-118; portrait facing, 208.
Hobart College, c, 290, 338.
Holland Purchase, *, 299, 398,
399, 400, 407, 424.
Holmes & Hayden, 301.
Homer, 269.*
Hommany, 47, 361,
Honayewus, 94.
Honeoye, 67.
Honeoye Creek, 70, 267.*
Honeoye Falls, 267.*
Honeoye Lake, 152, 261, 268.*
Honesty of Indians, 49, 177, 362.
Hot Bread (Indian patriarch),
259-
Howe, Henry, 406.
Howell, Judge, 138, 246.
Howland, Isabel, illust. opp. 416.
Howland's Island, 269.*
Hudson River, 273.*
Humphrey, Wolcott J., b.
Humphrey, Mrs. Wolcott J.,
illust. opp. 416.
Hunt, Rebecca (Mrs. William
Seaver), 298.
Hurd, Ziba, 181, 399, 421.
Huron Indians, 334, 386.
Hutchins, Thomas, 363.
Ice-caps on Seneca Lake, 396-
397-
Indian Cross Creek, 35, 327.
Indian River, 271.*
Indians, occupations, 47; high
character, 64; women labor,
122; "will be Indians," 361-
362; see also tribal names;
also subject titles, as, Adop-
tion, Baby-carrying, Barbari-
ties, Blood-revenge, Bounty,
Captivities, Child-birth, Chro-
nology, Courtship, Credulity,
Dances, Family Government,
Festivals, Funerals, Gauntlet,
Government, Honesty, Kings,
Marriage, Murder, Names,
444
INDEX
Peace Ceremony, Polygamy,
Population, Religion, Sacri-
fices, Scalps, Sex, Squaw, Su-
perstition, Unanimity, Wake,
Witchcraft.
Indian Short Creek, 35.
Ingles, Mr. 135.
Inscriptions, 196, 235, 423.
Interpreters, 318-319.
Irondequoit Bay, 267.*
Irving, Washington, 393.
Irwin, Jane, see Jane Erwin and
Mrs. Thomas Jemison.
Ischuna Creek, 264.*
Ithaca, 268,* 269.*
ack, an Indian, 128 et seq.
amesville. 270.*
amesville Creek, 270.*
amison, see Jemison.
efferson County Indian names,
270.
Jemison, Betsey, sister of Mary,
19,25,29,316.
Jemison, Betsey, daughter of
Mary, 62, 143, 244, 402; date
of birth discussed, 349-354.
Jemison, Catharine, grand-
daughter of Mary, 244.
Jemison, George (alleged cousin
of Mary Jemison), xiii, 115,
121, 123-126, 127, 407.
Jemison, George, grandson of
Mary, 244.
Jemison, Jacob, grandson of
Mary, 102, 196, 197, 244, 423.
Jemison, Jane, daughter of Mary,
63; date of birth, 346-354.
Jemison, Jane (Mrs. White),
granddaughter of Mary, 244.
Jemison, Jesse, son of Mary, 62,
118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 348-
Jemison, Jesse, grandson of
Mary, 244.
Jemison, John, uncle of Mary,
21.
Jemison, John, brother of Mary,
I9.» 25-
Jemison, John, son of Mary, 62,
97» 98, 99, ioo, 118, 119, 120,
127-132, 135, 136, 348-353,
406, 407.
Jemison, John, grandson of
Mary, 244.
Jemison, Mary (Dehgewanus),
ancestral home in Ireland, 17,
303-304; parents, 17, 18; born
at sea, 19, 215, 432; year of
birth discussed, 305-307; set-
tles at Marsh Creek, 19, 307-
308, illustrations opp. 48, 64;
education and religious train-
ing, xiv, 23; alarmed at In-
dian raids, 20; omen of capr
ture, 23; captured, 25, 433,
and illustration facing 80;
date of capture, 310-312; age
when captured, 314; place of
capture, 213-227, and illus-
trations opp. 96, 112, 144;
journey to Fort Pitt, 25-32;
route of captors, 320-324, and
map opp. 160; mother's fare-
well address, 27; murder of
her family, 30; preparation of
their scalps, 30; arrives at
Fort Pitt, 32; given to two
Seneca women, 34; journeys
down the Ohio, 34; passes
Shawnee town where white
men had been burned, 35; ar-
rives at Seneca town, 35;
adopted by Indians, 36;
dressed in Indian costume, 27,
36, 327, and illustration opp.
176; named Dickewamis
(Dehgewanus), 37, 38, 199,
328-329; taught Seneca lan-
guage, 40; arrives at Sciota,
41; returns to mouth of
Shenanjee, 41, 340; taken to
Fort Pitt, 42; hope of liberty
destroyed, 43 ; goes to Wiishto,
43, 342; married to Sheninjee,
44, 345, 347; her love for him,
44; first child born, 45, 347,
355; returns from Sciota to
Wiishto, 46, 361; son Thomas
born, 45, 347, 348; at Wiishto
and Fort Pitt, 46; homes on
the Ohio, 355-361 ; invited to
INDEX
445
Jemison, Mary:
Genesee, 51; departs from
Wiishto, 49, 363; journeys to
the Genesee, 49-53, 3.69-375;
intercedes for a captive, 50;
arrives at Genesee, 53; suffer-
ings on journey, 53; revolts
at Indian cruelties, 56; death
of Sheninjee, 58, 384; marries
Hiokatoo, 62, 346, 347; has
six children by Hiokatoo, 62;
order of birth of all her chil-
dren, 346-354; life among the
Indians, 63 et seq.; hospitality
to Butler and Brant, 68; suf-
fers from Sullivan's raid, 70 et
seq.; arrives and remains at
Gardeau, 74; hired by a negro,
75; harbors Ebenezer Allen,
79 et seq.; offered liberty, 92,
101; decides to remain with
Indians, 93; given tract of
land at Gardeau, 95; descrip-
tion of Gardeau, 402-403, and
illustrations opp., 256, 272,
280, 288, 304; sons Thomas
and John quarrel, 97; John
kills Thomas, 99, 348; John
acquitted, 100; death of
Hiokatoo, 103; John jealous
of Jesse, 118; Jesse quarrels
with Chongo, 119; John kills
Jesse, 120; receives George
Jemison as cousin, 123; de-
frauded by him, 125; John
sees omen in Great Slide, 127;
John murdered by Doctor and
Jack, 128; Mary refuses over-
tures from murderers, 130, 131;
Tall Chief's speech to murder-
ers, 131; Jack commits suicide,
134; Mary naturalized, 135,
136, 246, 434; engages a guar-
dian, 136; real estate transac-
tions, 136 et seq.; sells most of
her land, 138, 139; retrospect,
139; health, 140; abstemious-
ness, 141; strength, 142; self-
support, 143 ; not a witch, 143 ;
chastity, 143; charity and
generosity, 194, 421; forti-
Jemison, Mary:
tude, 212; hospitality, 68, 79,
123, 212; humanity, 50, 364;
narrates story of her life to
Dr. Seaver, g, x-xiv; per-
sonal appearance, x, 212, 217,
229, 230, 239-241; makes her
will, 243-245, 291; sells her
annuity, 194, 247; removes
from Gardeau to Buffalo, 194,
426; her last years there, 199;
recalls her mother's prayer,
2io; renounces paganism, 195,
196, 209-211, 279, 426; last
hours, 208-212; death, 195,
196, 434; buried at Buffalo,
195, 228, 434; disinterment at
Buffalo, 229-234; reinter-
ment at Letchworth Park, /,
231-236, 28?, 302, 427, 434,
and illustration, 242; monu-
ment at her grave, 235; bronze
statue erected, 238-242, 327,
434, frontispiece and illustra-
tion opp. 416; her children,
143, 144, 196, 244; other
descendants, 196, 197, 200-
207, 244, 423 ; her life reviewed
by Author, vii-xv; reviewed
by Reviser, g-n; epochal years
in her life, 432-435; publica-
tion of her narrative, g, ix-xv,
434; bibliography, 274-293.
Jemison, Matthew, brother of
Mary, 20, 25, 29.
Jemison, Nancy (Mrs. Billy
Green), daughter of Mary
Jemison, 62, 67, 127, 143, 236,
244, 402; date of birth, 349-
Jemison, Peggy (Mrs. White),
granddaughter of Mary, 244.
Jemison, Polly (Mrs. George
Shongo), daughter of Mary
Jemison, 62, 121, 143, 199, 200,
218, 232, 244; date of birth,
Jemison, Robert, brother of
Mary, 20, 25, 29.
Jemison, Thomas, father of
Mary, 18, 196, 215, 216, 222,
446
INDEX
Also
304, 310, 311, 315,
spelled Jamieson.
Jemison, Mrs. Thomas, mother
of Mary, 18, 25, 196; see also
Jane Erwin.
Jemison, Thomas, brother of
Mary, 19, 25.
Jemison, Thomas, son of Mary,
45, 46, 60, 61, 62, 79, 82, 92,
97» 98, 99, ioo, 102, 118, 126,
130, 244, 347, 371, 373, 403.
Jemison, Thomas (Buffalo Tom),
grandson of Mary, 201-207,
231, 234, 241, 244, 425; por-
trait facing 368.
Jemison, Mrs. Thomas (wife of
Buffalo Tom), 206.
esuit Relations, 375 et seq.
ishgege (Josh Kanga), 343.
ocelyn & Whitney, 287.
ohnson, British officer, 68.
ohnson, Hank, 205.
ohnson, Sir William, 62, 147,
148, 386.
ohnson's Creek, 267.*
ohnston, British officer, 77.
ohnston, John, 405.
ohnstown, 62, 272.*
ones, Horatio, 67, 95, 122, 138,
157, 170, 246, 248, 253, 263,
319. 403-
ordan, 270.
ordan Creek, 270.*
ordan, John W., «, 305, 311.
osh Kanga (Jishgege), 343.
Kanadesaga (Geneva), 152, 338,
391, 392, 408.
Katydid (chief), 343.
391,392,408.
atydid (chief), 343.
Kaujisestaugeau, Mary Jemi-
son's Indian brother, 92,* 93,
101, 313, 433-
Kautam, 95,* 403.*
Keeper Awake, see Red Jacket.
Kelby, Robert H., n, 397.
Kelley, John P., 233, 234.
Kennedy, Mrs. Thomas, 241.
Kennedy, Ulysses J., 425.
Kilkennon family, 214.
Kill Buck's town, 262.
King, history of Ohio, 371.
Kings, none among the Senecas,
.59, 387-
Kingsford, Thomas P., b.
Kingston, 273,* 379.
Knight, Dr., no, in, 114, 115,
405, 406.
Kuhn, Abner D., 223.
Kunz, George F., b, 239, 241,
illust. opp. 416.
Lafayette, 269.*
Lake Champlain, 273.*
Lake Erie, 265.*
Lake Ontario, 267,* 378,* 380.
Lake St. Francis, 273.*
Lamb, Frederick S., b.
Lancaster, N. Y., 265.*
Lansing, R. R., ii.
La Salle, Sieur de, 379.
Las Casas, 394.
Lear, Tobias, 428.
Lee, Thomas H., b.
Leicester, 67, 123, 155, 174, 407.
Lenox, 272.*
Le Roy, 266.*
Letchworth, Ann Hance, 301.
Letchworth, John, 301.
Letchworth, Josiah, 301.
Letchworth, Ogden P., b.
Letchworth Park, described,
236-242; mentioned, /, 225,
274, 287, 290, 293, 302, 304,
314, 327, 421, 427, 434; post-
office address, b.
Letchworth, William P., bio-
graphical note, 301-302; gift
of Letchworth Park, 236-242;
acquires "The Life of Mary
Jemison," 287-290, 293; por-
trait opp. 400; mentioned, c,
e, g, i, 213, 217, 228, 288, 290,
293, 297, 303, 3H, 349, 421,
423, 426, 427, 434, at dedica-
tion of statue, illust. opp. 416.
Lewiston, 260, 267.*
Lima, 266.*
Lime Lake, 264.*
Limestone Creek, 270.*
Liquor, see Spirits.
Little Beard, 71, 72, 78, 86, 133,
178, 202, 254.
INDEX
447
Little Beard's Town, 67, 70, 72,
75, 76, 83, 251, 253, 259, 260,
261, 266,* 429;* see also
Beard's Town.
Little Billy, 44, 343~34S> 3^-
Little Conowago, 213.
Little Falls, 272.*
Little Johnson, 199.
Little Salmon Creek, 270.*
Little Sodus Bay, 268.*
Little Valley Creek, 264.*
Liverpool, 270.*
Liverpool Creek, 270.*
Livers, Joseph I., 214, 220, 223.
Livingston County Indian
names, 266.
Livonia, 266.*
Lock port, 267.*
Lockwood's Cove, 269.*
Logstown, 324.
Lohstetter (Lowstetter), John,
222, 223.
Long Island, 273.*
Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown &
Green, 278, 292.
Lowstetter (Lohstetter), John,
222, 223.
Lounsbury, Thomas R., 303.
Lower Sandusky, 114, 115.
Lower Shawnee Town, 316, 339;
see also Shawnee Town.
Luther, Benjamin, 129.
Machin, Captain, 408.
Machin, Thomas, 408.
Madison County Indian names,
272. ^
Mahoning Trail, 374.
Manlius, 270.*
Mann, Cameron, m, 382.
Mann, William, 214, 310, 312-
3I3-
Marcellus, 270.*
Marriage Customs of Indians,
44, 171, 345, 354, 414-420; see
also Polygamy. +*
Marsh Creek, described, 307-
308; mentioned, 19, 196, 215,
216, 220-227, 279, 280, 304,
310, 311, 313, 315, 321; illus-
trations facing, 48, 64.
Marston, Major, 416.
Matthews Bros. & Bryant, 288,
293-
Matthews & Warren, 287, 293.
McCall, Margaret, 298.
McCauley, I. H., 314.
McClean, William A., 221.
McDonald, Col., 107, 405.
McFarland, E. F., 313.
McGregor, Mille, 399.
McKenna, James, s and illust.
facing 312.
McKenrick, Samuel, 214.
McKinley, W. D., 232, 234.
McMillin, Emerson, b.
McNair, Isaac, 233, 234.
Meachem, Thomas W., b.
Medina, 267.*
Mercer, Colonel, 419.
Merwin, Heman, 182.
Middleport, 267.*
Miller, Mark, 280.
Miller & Butterfield, 279, 280,
292.
Miller, Orton & Mulligan, 285,
292.
Mills, at Rochester, 87, 398, 399;
at Portage Falls, 181, 256, 399,
421.
Mingo Town, 357.
Mix, Ebenezer, biographical
note, 299-300; mentioned, c,
g* i> I93> 198, 251, 282, 283,
284, 290, 292, 297, 328, 350,
352, 353> 412, 417, 418, 421,
427, 429, 432.
Mohawk Castles, 273.*
Mohawk Indians, 107, 170, 263,
324; place-names, 272-273.
Mohawk River, 150, 271,* 272.*
Mohican Indians, 324.
Monongahela River, ^32,* 78.
Monroe County Indian names,
267.
Montezuma, 269.*
Montreal, 273.*
Moore, Mrs. John, 391.
Moose River, 271.*
Moot, Adelbert, b.
Morgan, Jedediah, 300.
Morgan, J. Pierpont, b.
448
INDEX
Morgan, Lewis H. (Tayadao-
wuhkuh), biographical note,
300-301;* mentioned, c, g, i,
240, 264, 285, 290, 292, 293,
297> 320, 325, 328, 332, 336,
337» 338,* 367, 376, 377» 378,
380, 391, 398, 400, 402, 407,
409, 412-414, 416, 429-431.
Morgan's riflemen, 150.
Morris, Robert, 90.
Morris, Thomas, 90, 388.
Morristown, N. J., 156.
Moscow, 138, 156, 246, 254,
266,* 344. f
Mount Morris, 81, 83, 86, 89,
90, 1 1 8, 1 80, 202, 255, 258, 259,
261, 266,* 425, 430.*
Mud Creek, 268.*
Mulligan, Miller & Orton, 285,
292.
Munson, William B., 217.
Murder, Indian punishment of,
407.
Murder Creek, 265.*
Murphy, a rifleman, 153.
Muskingum River, 363, 364, 365,
372.
Muskrat Lake, 269.*
Muskwaki Indians, 334.
Names, geographical, by Ebe-
nezer Mix, 251-263; of the
Five Nations, by Lewis H.
Morgan, 264-273.
Nanticoke Indians, 79.
Naples, 268.*
Napoli, 262.
Nauwaneu (Great Spirit), 161,*
162, 163, 166, 409.*
Neagaw, see Niagara and Fort
Niagara.
Nettles, Mr., 44, 82, 83, 85, 86.
Neutral Indians, 334, 381, 382.
Newberry Library, 275.
New Hartford, 272.*
New Haven Creek, 270.*
Newkirk, William, 78.
Newtown (Elmira), 151, 152.
New York, 273.*
New York Historical Society,
n, 338, 397-
New York Mercury, 311.
New York Public Library, 281,
293, 312.
New York State Library, 338.
New York State Museum, 239,
240, 241, 327, 328, 339, 344,
354> 398.
New York State University, 302.
Niagara (Neagaw), 55, 78, 81, 82,
83, 84, 87, 145 et seq.; deriva-
tion of word, 375-383;* see
also Fort Niagara.
Niagara County Indian names,
267.
Niagara Falls, 180, 267,* 377.
Niagara River, Indian name,
267,* 378 * et seq.; portage
road, 148; see also Niagara.
Niagara Village, 267.*
Night, Dr., see Knight.
Nine Mile Creek, 270,* 272.*
Nishanyenant, see Seneca White.
Noble, J., 277.
Noel, Daniel, 223.
Nomenclature, see Names.
North Sterling Creek, 269.*
Norwich, 272.*
Nunda, 266,* 409.*
Oakfield, 265.*
Oak Orchard Creek, 267.*
O'Bail, John, origin of name, 397-
398;* see also Corn-planter.
Ogden, Mr., 90.
Ogdensburgh, 271.*
Ohio, 33,* 320.*
Oil Creek, 264,* 270.*
Oil Spring Village, 265.*
Old Castle, 261.
Old King, 59, 60, 61, 93.
Olean, 265.*
Olmsted, John, 237.
Oneida Castle, 272.*
Oneida County Indian names,
271.
Oneida Creek, 271.*
Oneida Depot, 272.*
Oneida Indians, 70, 170, 263,
324, 389; place-names, 271-
272.
Oneida Lake, 170, 271.*
INDEX
449
Oneida Outlet, 270.*
Onondaga Castle, 270.*
Onondaga Creek, 270.*
Onondaga Hollow, 270.*
Onondaga Indians, 170, 263,
324; place-names, 269-271.
Onondaga Lake, 270.*
Onondaga West Hill, 270.*
Ontario, 267,* 320.*
Ontario County Indian names,
268.
Ontario Trail, 267.*
O'Reilly, Henry, 219, 303, 383,
398, 404-
Onskany, 271,* 392.
Oriskany Creek, 271.*
Orleans County Indian names,
267.
Orme, Longman, etc., 278, 292.
Orton, Miller & Mulligan, 285,
292.
Oswaya Creek, 264.*
Oswegatchie River, 271.*
Oswego, 65, 66, 270.*
Oswego County Indian names,
270.
Otisco, 269.*
Otisco Lake, 269.*
Otisco Outlet, 269.*
Otsego Lake, 273,* 391.
Otsquago Creek, 272.*
Otter Creek, 271.*
Otter Lake, 269.*
Owaiski, 266.*
Owandot Indians, 324.
Owasco Inlet, 269.*
Owasco Lake, 269.*
Owasco Outlet, 269.*
Owego, 269.*
Owego Creek, 269.*
Oxford, 272.*
Painted Post, 268.*
Palmer, Alva, 181, 399, 421.
Palmyra, 268.*
Paris'Hill, 271.*
Parker, Arthur C., n, 239, 241,
317, 319, 325, 329, 333, 334,
335. 336, 339, 344, 345, 354,
355, 36i, 398, 400, 403, 431,
must. opp. 416.
Parker, Ely S. (Donehogaweh),
285,* 289, 300, 319,380.
Parker, captive soldier, 154, 155,
156.
Parkin, R., 277, 292.
Parkman, Francis, 378, 385.
Parrish, Jasper, 95, 96, 138, 246,
3i9» 4°3-
Partridge, Edward L., b.
Peace Ceremony Approaching a
Town, 317-318.
Peck, Gordon H., b.
Peirson,iLouis H., 241, 242, illust.
opp. 416.
Pembroke, 266.*
Pennsylvania, Scull's map, 321;
facsimile facing 160.
Pennsylvania Gazette, 214, 222,
310,311,312; facsimile facing
128.
Pennsylvania Historical Com-
mission, n, 315, 321, 339, 366,
404.
Pennsylvania Historical Society,
n, 305, 306.
Perkins, George W., b.
Phillips, N. Taylor, b.
Pickering, Timothy, 376.
Pine Hill, 265.*
Pittsburgh Conference, 341-342.
Planting feast, 164, 409.
Pollard, Captain (Shagodiyotha),
245, 247, 248.*
Polygamy of Ebenezer Allen, 88;
among Senecas, 97, 102, 130.
Pompey, 270.*
Pompey Hill, 270.*
Poncet, Father, 334, 335.
Population of Indians, 170, 262,
263, 324, 413-414.
Portage Falls (in Letchworth
Park), 180, 181, 232, 236, 255,
287, 302; illustration opp. 432.
Portageville, 255, 256.
Porter, Charles T., 337.
Porter, Gen. P. B., 300, 344.
Powell, Captain, 391.
Pownall, Governor, 357, 420.
Price, Mr., 78.
Prideaux, Gen., 146.
Pritts, J., 308, 406.
450
INDEX
Prompjt, Indian, 179.
Pulaski, 270.*
Putnam's Sons, G. P., 288, 289,
290, 293, 397.
Quebec, 273.*
Queenston, 148.
Queenstown, 273.*
Racket River, 273.*
Ramsay, Priscilla, 44, 82, 360.
Raquette River, 273.*
Red Jacket (Sagoyewatha or
Saguyuwhathah), 94,* 95, 228,
232, 241, 247, 252,* 343, 400-
401,* 430; portrait facing 320.
Red Jacket Village, 265.*
Red River, 105.
Rees, Longman, etc., 278, 292.
Reese, David, 406, 407.
Reid, W. Max, 397.
Religion of Senecas, 159, 207;
see also Festivals.
Reuss, Frank L., facing 312.
Ricord, John, 245.
Rochester, 87,^259, 267.*
Rochester Historical Society,
- 338.
Rochester Post-Express, «, 243,
275, 428.
Rogers, Mr., 90.
Rolph, Stephen, 181.
Rome, 271.*
Route of Mary Jemison's ab-
ductors, 320-324 and map
opp. 1 60.
Royalton Center, 267.*
Sac Indians, 431.
Sackett, Henry W., b.
Sacketts Harbor, 271.*
Sacrifices by Indians, 43-44.
Saguyuwhathah (Red Jacket),
94.
Saint Helena, 258.
Saint Lawrence River, 271.*
Saint Leger, 390.
Saint Regis, 273.*
Saint Regis River, 273.*
Salina, 270.*
Salmon, John, 150, 156.
Salmon Creek, 267.*
Salmon River, 273.*
Samp's Creek, 60.
Samson, William H., w, n, 243,
275, 291; biographical note,
428.
Sandusky, 363.*
Sandusky Bay (Lake), 363.
Sandusky Creek, 49, 50, 363, 364.
Sandy Creek, 267,* 270.*
Sangerfield, 271.*
Sanson, d'Abbeville, 382.
Saratoga, 273.*
Sawanoono, see Shawnees.
Sawyer, John, 392.
Saxton, Barker & Co, 286, 293.
Saxton, C. M., 286, 293.
Scalps, method of preservation,
30.
Schenectady, 150, 273.*
Schoharie, 150.
Schoharie Creek, 77, 272.*
Schuyler County Chronicle, 397.
Sciota (Scioto) River, 41, 43, 45,
46,316,339-340,356-361,372.
Scott, General, 344.
Scottsville, 267.*
Scribas Creek, 271.*
Scull, W., 321, and map facing
1 60.
Sea-shell medal illustration, 435.
Seaver, James E., biographical
note, 298-299; bibliography of
his "Life of Mary Jemison,"
276-293; mentioned, c, g et
seq., i et seq., 149, 293, 297,
327-329, 340, 341, 343, 346,
356-358, 369, 370, 376' 3.83,
404, 414, 432; portrait facing
336.
Seaver, Capt. William, 298.
Seaver, William, & Son, z, 282,
283, 284, 292.
Selkirk, Alexander, 194.
Seminole Indians, 394.
Seneca Indians adopt Mary
Jemison, 34, 36; on Ohio
River, 35, 357; residuary in-
terest in Mary Jemison's land,
139; removed from the Gen-
esee, 193, 202; predecessors,
INDEX
76, 95; intentions suspected,
148; origin, 157; Indian name,
157,* 409;* religion, 63, 159-
163, 207; feasts, 163-167;
dances, 167-169; government,
169-170; had no kings, 387;
number, 170, 263, 324; court-
ships, 171; family govern-
ment, 171; funerals, 172, 173;
credulity, 173-175; farming,
175-176; chronology, 176-177;
place-names, 264-268; in the
Revolution, 389.
Seneca, John, 249.
Seneca Lake, 152, 261, 268*;
Ice-caps, 396-397-
Seneca River, 269.*
Seneca Village, 267.*
Seneca, White, 249.
Severance, Frank H., n, 275,
3i9» 3?5> 389» 390, 425-
Sex relations of the Indians, 417-
418.
Shagodiyotha, see Captain Pol-
lard.
Shanks, an Indian, 100.
Sharp Shins, an Indian chief, 206.
Sharp, William, 222.
Sharps Run, 221, 224, 225, 308,
321; illustration facing 112.
Shawnee Indians, 34, 35, 50, 324,
325, 339» 34°> 361; Indian
name, 325.*
Shawnee Town, 35, 325; see also
Lower Shawnee Town.
Shenanjee River, 35, 40, 42, 340;
location, 327, 356.
Sheninjee, Mary Jemison's first
husband, 44, 45, 51, 58, 345,
347* 363, 365> 384-
Sherburn, 272.*
Sherlock, the Deserter, 386.
Sherwood, 301.
Shingas Town, 325.
Shongo, David, 200.
Shongo (Chongo), George, Mary
Jemison's son-in-law, 119, 120,
121, 130, 143, 199, 200, 233.
Shongo, Mrs. George, see Polly
Jemison.
Shongo, James, grandson of
Mary Jemison, 201, 229-235,
349, 350; portrait facing 384.
Shongo, John (George), 232.
Short Creek, 356.
Silver Creek, 264.*
Silver Lake, 258, 266,* 430.*
Silver Lake Outlets, 266.*
Simcoe, Governor, 399.
Simpson, Michael, 150, 156.
Six Nations, numbers, 170, 263,
342; government, 411-413.
Skaneateles, 269.*
Skaneateles Lake, 269.*
Skaneatice Lake, 268.*
Smith, Clara A., 275.
Smith, James, 308, 335, 336, 340.
Smith, Jeremiah, 174, 175.
Smith, Joseph, 67, 392.
Smith, William, «, 386, 387.
Smock, John C., 396.
Smokes Creek, 265.*
Smoky Hollow, 258.
Snow-shoe illustration, 227.
Sodus Bay, 268.*
Sodus Bay Creek, 269.**
Soongiso (Tommy Jemmy), 247.
South Mountain, 213, 216.
South Onondaga, 270.*
Spiegel-Johnson, 286.
Spirits, ardent, see Drunkenness.
Spofford, Charles A., b.
Squaw, a term of disrepute, 325-
327-
Squawkie (Squawky, Squakie,
etc.) Hill, 126, 128, 134, 135,
202, 255, 258, 259, 261, 266,*
43I-*
Stafford, 265.*
Stambaugh, Henry, 222.
Stambaugh, Jacob, 222.
Stambaugh, John, 222.
Stambaugh, Philip, 222.
Stedman, Mr., 148, 149.
Steele, Harriet (Mrs. Jedediah
Morgan), 300.
Stem, Peter, 223.
Steuben County Indian names3
268.
Stevens, James, 245, 248, 249.
Stevenson, James, see Stevens.
Stockbridge Indian Village, 272.*
452
INDEX
Stone, Truman, 422.
Stone, Truman L., w, 421.
Stony Creek, 395.
Storke, Elliott G., 370.
Striking a Parent Unforgivable,
Stryker, James, 245.
Stryker, Manning, 245.
Sullivan, Gen. John, 69, 70, 73,
74, 149, 151, 156, 282, 289,
35i» 392.
Sunbury, Pa., 405.
Sungewaw, 130.*
Superstition concerning eclipse,
178.
Susquehanna River, 77, 101, 104,
in, 156, 269.*
Swan Creek, 343, 358-359, 369.
Syracuse, 270.*
Tagauusaday, chief, 342.
Tall Chief, 131.
Tayadaowuhkuh, see* Lewis H.
Morgan.
Taylor, Zachary, 428.
Tecarneodi, 431.*
Tegg, T., 277.
Tegg, W., 284, 292.
Teushunushungautau (Chena-
shunggantan), 262.
Thanksgiving Feasts, 163, 409.
Thayer, Stephen H., b.
Thorne, S., 284, 285, 292.
Ticonderoga, 273.*
Tioga Point, 150, 151, 156, 268.*
Tioga River, 151.
Tionghinoga River, 269.*
Tisagechroami Indians, 324.
Tomahawk, illustration, 296.
Tomkins, Calvin, b.
Tommy Jemmy (Soongiso), 247.
Tonawanda (Tonnawanta, etc.),
83, 103, 134, 179, 194, 259,
260, 337, 404.
Tonawanda Creek, 265.*
Tonawanda Village, 266.*
Tonewanta, see Tonawanda.
Tonawanta, see Tonawanda.
Toronto, 273.*
Trails, of the Eries, 265 * ; from
the Delaware to the Ohio, 322.
Treaties, at German Flats, 64;
at Oswego, 66; at Big Tree,
90, 388, 433; of Paris, 433.
Treman, Robert H., b.
Trent, William, 339.
Trenton, N. J., 89.
Trenton Falls, 271.*
Trenton Village, 271.*
Trumbull, Mr., 90.
Tully, 269.*
Tully Lake, 269.*
Tuneungwan (Unawaumgwa),
262.
Turner, Orasmus, 300, 398, 399,
400, 407, 424.
Tuscarora Creek, 267.*
Tuscarora Indians, 170, 179, 336,
389-
Tuscarora Village, 260, 266,*
267.*
Two Sisters Creek, 265.*
Ulmann, Albert, b.
Unadilla River, 272.*
Unanimity of Iroquois decisions,
66, 391.
Unawaumgwa (Tuneungwan),
53,* 262, 367.
Union College, 300.
Union Springs, 269.*
Upper Sandusky, 51, 108, 363,
3.66, 371, 373, 374.
Utica, 271.*
Vail, Charles Delamater, Trus-
tee of American Scenic and
Historic Preservation Society,
b; Reviser of "The Life of
Mary Jemison" and Author of
bibliography notes, etc., c, n,
236, 242, 274-293, 297-435;
speaker at dedication of statue
of Mary Jemison, 241, and
illustration opp. 416.
Vail, Mrs. Charles Delamater,
donor of publication fund, <?.
Van Sice, John, 58.
Venango, 366.
Vernon, 271.*
Vernon Center, 271.*
Verona, 271.*
INDEX
453
Victor, 268.*
Village sites, temporary, 370.
Vowel sounds, v.
Vrooman, John W., b.
Wadsworth, Jeremiah, 388.
Wake, no resemblance to adop-
tion ceremony, 339.
Walker, William, 277, 278, 281,
292.
Wampum Laws, 334.
War Dance, 168, 411.
Ware, Jesse, 147.
Warren & Matthews, 293.
Warrior's Run, 404, 405.
Warsaw, 266.*
Washington/George, 21, 38, 108,
113, 309, 312, 3i3> 330, 366,
374,388,397,428.
Waterloo, 269.*
Waterloo Historical Society, 338.
Watertown, 271.*
Watson, John F., 311, 312.
Wayne County Indian names,
268.
Weather, severe winters, 75,
395-397.
Weaver, John, 223.
Weiser, Conrad, 324.
Welch, Alexander M., b.
Welland River, 273.*
West Bloomfield, 268.*
West Canada Creek, 271,* 272.*
Whaley, Jennet, ix.
Whaley, Robert, 119, 120.
Wheeler, George, 233, 234.
White Boy, 249, 250.
White Dog Feast, 164-167, 409-
411.
White, Jane, granddaughter of
Mary Jemison, 244.
White, Peggy, granddaughter of
Mary Jemison, 244.
White, Seneca (Nishanyenant),
245, 249, 250.*
White Woman of the Genesee
(Mary Jemison), /, viii.
Whitestown, 271.*
Whitestown Creek, 271.*
Whitney & Jocelyn, 287.
Whittemore, Henry, 398.
Wiishto, 43, 44, 45, 49, 51, 58,
345, 346, 347, 363, 369, 371,
372, 383; location, 342,* 343,*
Wiles, William, 129. m
William and Mary ship, 18, 215,
305, 306.
Williamsburg, 152, 153.
WUlJamson, David, 108, 110,405.
Williamsville, 265.*
Wilson Ebenezer. 397.
Wilson. James Grant, 428.
Wilson & Sons, 277.
Winsor, Justin, 378.
Winters, severe, 75, 395~397-
Wiscoy, 261,* 266.*
Wiscoy Creek, 261, 266.*
Witchcraft, 97, 143, 174, 177,
Woff7Creek, 180.
Wood Creek, 271.*
Woodland & Donaldson, 280,
292.
Woods, William Seaver, 299.
Wright, Asher, 195, 198, 279
280, 426.
Wright, Mrs. Asher, h, 200, 208,
231, 287, 289. 425; portrait
facing 352.
Wyoming, 156, 247, 263 *
Wyoming County Indian names,
265.
Yale University, 303.
Yates County Indian names,
268.
Yiskahwana, 51,* 54, 58, 365,
373-
Young King, 126, 406.
Youngstown, 267,* 378.
Zieber, William K., n, 214-216,
220, 221, 223, 225, 304, 311,
33°-
Zeisberger, David, 380.
THE END
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